Big business in Belarus - its genesis, conditions and prospects. OSW Commentary No. 113, 2013-09-09

Over the past ten to twenty years, Belarus has seen a steep rise in the number of local dollar millionaires. This has somewhat undermined the myth of an egalitarian model of society promoted through the Belarusian state propaganda. There is a small group of businessmen among the top earners who, in exchange for their political loyalty and their consent to share profits with those in power, have enjoyed a number of privileges that allow them to safely conduct business in an environment typically hostile to private enterprise. The favourable conditions under which they are operating have enabled them not only to accumulate substantial capital, but also to invest it abroad. However, since such businesses are seen as providing a financial safety net for the regime, in 2011 and 2012 some of their directors received an EU travel ban, while their companies were subjected to economic sanctions by Brussels. At the same time, fearing that Belarus’s big business could become powerful enough to influence the country’s political scene (as has been the case in Russia and Ukraine), Alexander Lukashenka has actively prevented such players from becoming too independent. Consequently, Belarus has so far not developed its own elite class of oligarchs who would be able to actively influence government policy. The current informal agreement between the government in Minsk and big business has proved stable and is unlikely to change in the near future. Nonetheless, a reordering of state power giving Belarus’s big business significant political influence would be possible should Mr Lukashenka lose power in the next presidential election.

The European Union and global security: is the EU becoming the indispensable partner? EU Centre Singapore Background Brief No. 11, April 2014

The European Union has developed new capacity as a security actor in third countries, in particular in the area of crisis management. Over the past two decades the EU has deployed numerous missions, both of a civilian and military nature. Moreover the EU has defined its ability to intervene all along the ‘crisis cycle’, (from prevention to mediation, from peace-keeping to post-conflict reconstruction) and using all tools at its disposal (taking a ‘comprehensive approach’). However the EU is still not perceived as a major security provider globally and interventions remain limited to some geographic areas, mostly in its neighbourhood and Africa, with just a few examples further afield. The EU also tends to avoid taking direct action and seems to prefer partnership arrangements with other players. How can we explain the growing activism and number of EU’s intervention with the low impact and lack of visibility? Can we expect the EU to become more active in the future, taking on more responsibility and leading roles in addressing conflict situations? This paper will argue that the main reason for the EU’s hesitant role in crisis management is to be found in the weak decision-making provisions for EU’s security interventions, as one of the few policy areas still subject to consensus amongst 28 European Union Member States. Lack of a clearer delegation of competence or stronger coordination structures is closely linked to low legitimacy for the EU to take more robust action as a security actor. In order to overcome this legitimacy problem, and in order to facilitate consensus amongst Member States, the EU thus privileges partnership arrangements with other actors who can provide legitimacy and know-how, such as the UN or the African Union. As there is no political desire in the EU for tighter decision-making in this area, we can expect that the EU will continue to play a supporting rather than leading role in crisis management, becoming the partner of choice as it deepens its experience. However this does not mean that the EU is playing just a secondary role in the wider area of security, in particular when looking at nontraditional security. Looking at the role of the EU in Asia, where the EU has deployed just two missions, this paper will offer a broader assessment of the EU as a partner in the area of security taking into account different types of actions. The paper will argue that in order to strengthen cooperation with Asian partners in the area of crisis management, the EU will need to define better what it is able to offer, present its actions as part of an overall strategy rather than ad-hoc and piecemeal, and enter into partnership arrangements with different players in the region.

Extending diplomatic privileges to permanent observers to the Organization of American States. Hearing, Ninety-third Congress, first session.

Mode of access: Internet.

Guidance for law enforcement officers : personal rights and immunities of foreign diplomatic and consular personnel /

Shipping list no.: 88-132-P.

The letters of Gerbert, with his papal privileges as Sylvester II.

Bibliography: p. [393]-399.

La jurisprudence particuliere de la chirurgie en France, ou Traite historique et juridique des etablissemens, reglemens, police, devoirs, foncitns, honneurs, droits & privileges ... /

Mode of access: Internet.

La jurisprudence particuliere de la chirurgie en France, ou Traite historique et juridique des etablissemens, reglemens, police, devoirs, foncitns, honneurs, droits & privileges ... /

Mode of access: Internet.

Tres-humble remonstrance et requeste adressee a la maiesté catholique de Philippe IV, Roy d'Espagne, [et]c. sur la nouvelle pretension des apotiquaires contre les anciens droits et privileges des medecins. Par quelques uns des plus zelez du bien public, [et] de l'honneur de leur art.

Mode of access: Internet.

Statuts et privileges de la noblesse de la basse Alsace accordes par les anciens empereurs, confirmes et augmentes par le roy = E. frey ohnmittelbaren Ritterschafft im untern Elsass adeliche Ritter-Ordnung und theils kayserliche theils königliche ertheilte, confirmirte und erweiterte privilegia und rescripta.

Signatures: pi1 A-2X².

Securities registered exempt from registration or admitted to unlisted trading privileges under the Securities exchange act, as of June 30, 1936.

Cover title.

A Temporary Hometown: Gendered Labor and Social Citizenship in Bremerton, Washington, a Domestic Military Colony

Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2016-06

Town and Countryside in early modern Hungary The Case of Sopron, c. 1500-1800

The town of Sopron (Ödenburg) is situated near the western border of Hungary at the junction of major routes of commerce, no further than 70 km from Vienna. As early as in 1291 the town had become a chartered town or free royal town, which meant the most fully-fledged municipial autonomy in this period. The town was subordinated only to the king and could represent itself in parliament from 1445. The surrounding seigniorial towns and villages often lodged an appeal with the Town Court due to its wide legal autonomy. The inhabitants of seigniorial towns and the villagers could have been under the necessity of going to the town, and the legal proceedings they experienced in Sopron may have meant a model pattern for them. The seigniorial town (oppidum) is a settlement under the landlord's authority, with limited legal privileges, concentrated mostly on agricultural production and on the exchange of products of its immediate hinterland. Sopron as a county town was gradually becoming significant during the early modern period. The county (megye) was not only the unit of administration in Hungary, but that of the autonomy of nobility, too. The importance of Sopron as a county town attracted many noblemen dwelling in Sopron county to the town. The county was one of the most densely populated in the 15-18th c., at the beginning of the 18th c., for example, the density was 32 person/km2 and it rose more than 40 p/km2 by the end of the century. The population of Sopron was approximately 3500-3700 in the middle of the 15th c., and due to the decline during the later decades some 3000 persons lived in the town in the early 16th c. According to the first national census the population of Sopron was 12600 in 1784-87. These data place Sopron at the high level of Hungarian urban hierarchy in this period. This paper will explore two significant aspects of the relation between the town and its countryside: the problems of mutual economic dependence and the role of Sopron as a centre of culture.

Laypersons' awareness of the role and function of the nurse practitioner

The purpose of this descriptive study was to document the level of awareness that laypersons have regarding the role and function of the nurse practitioner (NP). An instrument developed for a similar study, conducted in 1994, comparing patients' and physicians' level of knowledge of the role and function of the NP, had a low reliability. Revision of the instrument was required before further use could be justified.^ A pilot study of 25 laypersons was conducted to ensure that the revised tool was reliable prior to conducting a study. Reliability for the pilot sample was 0.84.^ The study results indicated that the majority of the sample (83%), (n = 100) knew that a NP was a registered nurse who was qualified to diagnose and treat minor illnesses. The level of layperson awareness was limited regarding prescriptive privileges, well-woman exams, and the NPs' ability to perform physical exams, and interpret lab results and x-rays. ^

Big city days: Race and labor in early Miami, 1914--1925

The purpose of this study was to recast Miami's social history during the first three decades of the twentieth century through an examination of working class life. The thesis attempts to fill a gap in the literature while also expanding on the advances made in race and class studies of the United States. Through an analysis of local newspapers, minutes of a carpenter's union, and other archival sources, the thesis demonstrates how white workers obtained a virtual monopoly in skilled jobs over black workers, particularly in the construction industry, and exacted economic pressure on business through the threat of work stoppages. Driven by the concern to maintain smooth and steady growth amidst a vibrant tourist economy, business reluctantly worked with labor to maintain harmonious market conditions. Blacks, however, were able to gain certain privileges in the labor market through challenging the rigid system of segregation and notions of what constituted skilled labor. The findings demonstrate that Miami's labor unions shaped the city's social, cultural, and political landscape but the extent of their power was limited by booster discourse and the city's dependence on tourism. ^

Perceptions and Preferences of Commercial Fishers for Dedicated Access Privilege Framework in a Multispecies Fishery

The decline of the world's fisheries and the inability of traditional management frameworks to maintain them, has led managers to adopt alternative management frameworks. The use of dedicated access privileges have often been shown to have varying popularity among factions within the commercial fishing industry and managers. Here, we examine commercial fishers' preference for alternative management frameworks in the context of a unique multispecies fisheries of the Florida Keys. By surveying commercial fishers, we find that that the size of operation plays no role in affecting fisher perception regarding dedicated access privileges. Furthermore, fishers who are organized are less likely to support dedicated access privilege frameworks. Overall, we do not find enough support in the fishing industry for the implementation of dedicated access privileges in the Florida Keys. These findings can provide inputs in developing effective management plans in the region.