888 resultados para Political action committees.


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O presente relatório caracteriza a ação política e a perspetiva social da Junta de Freguesia de São Domingos de Benfica, categorizando-o em cinco eixos de intervenção, analisando a sua eficácia e abrangência no período entre 2005 e 2011. No primeiro eixo, focado na ação na infância e juventude, inclui-se o Programa de Promoção de Competências Pessoais e Sociais, o Gabinete de Apoio à Criança e ao Jovem, os Encontros para Pais, a Comissão de Proteção de Crianças e Jovens, as Atividades de OTL do Espaço Jovem e os Programas de Férias. Das respostas para os adultos, no segundo eixo, fazem parte dois gabinetes de apoio aos munícipes1 com perturbações de comportamento aditivo e vítimas de violência doméstica, incluindo-se ações de prevenção e sensibilização. Para a população idosa temos o terceiro eixo e salienta-se o Programa de Envelhecimento Ativo e Saudável, as Atividades de OTL, nomeadamente o Programa de Férias para a população Sénior e as visitas e passeios histórico-culturais. A família e a qualidade das relações familiares são um aspeto de grande importância, por isso temos o quarto eixo que tem o acompanhamento psicossocial, apoio a famílias carenciadas e o projeto de apoio às famílias junto de bairros isolados da freguesia. Finalmente, o quinto e último eixo refere-se a um movimento de integração das várias entidades da freguesia designado por Comissão Social de Freguesia que pretende desenvolver projetos orientados para o apoio à comunidade. Este relatório terminará com uma reflexão crítica relativamente à evolução do trabalho desenvolvido na ação social desde 2005 até 2011.

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In his 1967 essay, “Art and Objecthood”, Michael Fried bemoaned the theatricality of minimalist sculpture, which replaced the presentness of compositional sculpture with the staging of an experience for the viewer as performer. His argument has since been inverted by artists and art writers invested in the idea of sculptures as props forming part of an artistic experience economy. This discourse has accompanied the rise of relational aesthetics as a dominant paradigm for contemporary art. More recently, however, there has been a turn away from relationality to ‘object-oriented’ art, where objects are seen to stage their own theatrical experiences, performing themselves without requiring the activation of a viewer’s body. We trace parallels between the philosophy of Bruno Latour and the “Speculative Materialism” group and this emerging trend in sculpture. In ascribing agency to objects, Latour proposes a radical shift from philosophy’s traditional investigation of the relationship between the mind and the world. Drawn to the idea that matter can be creative, artists have embraced his thinking. However, we argue that this has lead to a generalized, universalizing humanism that disables political action. Moreover, it undermines the potential for anti-humanist critique latent in object-oriented philosophy.

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This paper links market‐based ‘protest’ strategies, as used recently by environmental protest groups and other sociations, to citizenship theory, seeking to open a debate about the role of the consumer‐citizen. It is suggested that such consumer‐citizenship, whereby protest and political action are encouraged through market mechanisms, and limited through state action, is an important feature of late‐modernity. The paper seeks to illustrate how advanced capitalist societies are producing reworked forms of rights relationships. This is discussed within the context of the rhetoric of ‘active’ citizenship as used in UK politics and through examples of recent environmental protests and other consumer‐citizen strategies.

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The political economy literature on agriculture emphasizes influence over political outcomes via lobbying conduits in general, political action committee contributions in particular and the pervasive view that political preferences with respect to agricultural issues are inherently geographic. In this context, ‘interdependence’ in Congressional vote behaviour manifests itself in two dimensions. One dimension is the intensity by which neighboring vote propensities influence one another and the second is the geographic extent of voter influence. We estimate these facets of dependence using data on a Congressional vote on the 2001 Farm Bill using routine Markov chain Monte Carlo procedures and Bayesian model averaging, in particular. In so doing, we develop a novel procedure to examine both the reliability and the consequences of different model representations for measuring both the ‘scale’ and the ‘scope’ of spatial (geographic) co-relations in voting behaviour.

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This chapter considers a perhaps unexpected connection between disability and animal studies, given disability studies' understandable reluctance to be associated with animal liberation/rights struggles. It finds that both fields remain rooted in ideas of experience and feeling, or the notion of an essential embodied experience, even while they offer up critiques of the way essentialism operates more broadly to disenfranchise or disadvantage the groups they represent. The chapter goes on to analyse what the implications are of this notion of 'embodiment' and the materialism that accompanies it, it foregrounds the contradictions that ensue, and then discusses what this means for the way political action is (and can be) conceived of.

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Our best time is now? On conception of time and political self-understanding This study regards time as a horizon for action and argues that conception of time has great implication for political self-understanding. In the study, the modern conception of time, with its orientation towards the future, is contrasted with the late modern conception of time, which is characterized by a de-legitimization of utopian thinking and by an orientation towards the present. Political action is changing, from a transformation of the present into the future, to a management of the present. In this situation the future is not perceived as something qualitatively different than present, but is, as Helga Nowotny puts it, reduced to an ‘extended present’. Or, to speak with Luhmann, the future is a ‘present future’ where only one ‘future present’ is conceivable. The future is in that sense increasingly closed. The paper argues that the current pragmatization of politics is partly due to changes in temporal representations, and suggests that more attention should be given to temporal semantics in political analysis.

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O objetivo deste estudo foi apresentar uma análise da democratização do ensino no sistema educacionalportuguês. O tema, porém, não podia e não devia ser tratado sem a inserção no contexto histórico e político correspondente. A época em foco era, realmente, de instabilidade e transição. Daí a desenvoltura dada a certos aspectos que não só condicionaram. mas circunstanciaram toda a ação política portuguesa nos anos que precederam a revolução de 74. A democratização do ensino em Portugal e o aIvo da curiosidade e o objeto de estudo. Considerada um lapso, um hiato ou parêntesis no processo da educação portuguesa, ela é, em parte, um pouco de tudo isso. Mas não é tudo. Este estudo pretende mostrar o que se deve pensar a respeito.

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Teorias consideradas mainstream em estratégia dão reduzida ênfase ao relacionamento entre empresas e governos. A importância desse relacionamento é fundamental, dado que a influência governamental pode ter papel determinante na lucratividade das empresas. A este campo de estudos das atividades das empresas na tentativa de moldar as políticas públicas denominou-se Corporate Political Activity (CPA) ou ainda estratégias políticas. A importância da atividade se traduz nos valores investidos pelas empresas nestas atividades, que tem apresentado crescimento. As despesas com lobbying nos Estados Unidos representaram US$ 3,3 bilhões em 2011, frente a US$ 1,7 bilhões em 2001. As contribuições totais de campanha no Brasil foram da ordem de R$ 3,7 bilhões em 2010, comparados a R$ 1,7 bilhões doados em 2006. Este trabalho trata da influência dos aspectos cognitivos na formação de estratégias políticas no setor sucroalcooleiro brasileiro. Utilizando-se as proposições da existência de comunidades cognitivas formadas a partir do esforço em interpretar desafios estratégicos, que por sua vez levam a criação de estruturas cognitivas compartilhadas (Porac e Thomas, 2002), explorou-se como estas estruturas cognitivas influenciam as escolhas em CPA (Hillman et al., 2004). Os resultados dão suporte à influência das estruturas cognitivas nas escolhas em CPA. A partir da definição das dimensões que compõe as estruturas cognitivas de cada uma das comunidades, demonstrou-se que as escolhas em CPA estavam ligadas a estas estruturas, e não puramente a decisões racionais e econômicas. Ao demonstrar suporte à influência cognitiva sobre as escolhas em CPA, este trabalho contribui para as discussões sobre os antecedentes “não estruturais” (ou como colocam Cook e Berry (1995) comportamentais) que afetam as escolhas em CPA.

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A presente tese pretende analisar a ação política dos trabalhadores rurais e têxteis do municí-pio de Magé, Estado do Rio de Janeiro, entre os anos de 1956 e 1973, com destaque para as atuações dessas duas categorias em parceria, bem como as suas formas de organização e lutas. Ao considerarmos este município como um cenário privilegiado para se investigar as conexões entre o rural e urbano – tendo em vista que a cidade foi uma pródiga produtora de alimentos e tornou-se um polo industrial têxtil – nosso intuito será mapear a participação dos diversos partidos políticos, lideranças, grupos e instituições que dialogavam com esses trabalhadores para além do mito da “foice o e martelo”. Deste modo, buscamos contribuir com os estudos sobre história do trabalho, enfatizando a articulação entre as lutas coletivas e as ferramentas de ação política utilizadas por esses tecelões e lavradores, analisados de forma conjunta nesta pesquisa.

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Public policies have been studied in the various fields of humanities and social sciences, from different theoretical and technical aspects. However, there is still a lack of studies that incorporate the dimension that encompasses the political action and its interference in such actions, also recognizing the importance of the institutional setting of the Brazilian presidential model in implementing these policies. This fragmented and multiparty system has led to power heterogeneous sets of political parties. Thus, the ministerial offices, more than assisting the President´s government project, manage particularized agendas, which are party biased and have the influence of interest groups in hegemonic themes addressed by government agencies. When these agendas operate in sectoral and specialized policies, the friction level is apparently low. However, when this occurs in intersectoral actions, such as in regional development, there is evidence of strong signs of competition among government agencies, which in theory, should operate in an integrated manner. Although this is not a specific feature of Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva´s government- the period to be studied- there was similar behavior in Fernando Henrique Cardoso´s presidency, one realizes that the expansion of coalition on behalf of governance is increasingly interfering in the outcome of intersectoral public policies, due to these multiple arguments in action. In order to understand these processes, this study focused on the Sustainable and Integrated Development Programme for Differentiated Meso-Regions (PROMESO), part of the National Policy for Regional Development (NPRD). The program provides interface with various government agencies and their public policies in a clear intersectoral design. The research sought to identify and analyze the relationships between government agencies and their programs with interest groups, whether political parties or other segments of civil society, highlighting the logic of favoritism, which poses in second place the integration of actions in the intersectoral policies. Therefore, besides the theoretical debate that incorporates several categories of political science, public administration, public policy, geography and economics, the study focused on secondary sources, using different government agencies databases in order to raise information. It was observed that the interference of partisan politics has been disastrous for some public policies. Thus, the research confirms that cooperative character is fragile within government agencies, often limited to official documents, and that there is indeed, a striking feature of competition, especially when it comes to transversalized policies

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The organizations are characterized as dynamic spaces, they are being revisited and redefined, because they constitute structural human spaces and new vain outlines won expression. As it begins, of the non consensus in its conception, it is explicit the complexity degree that is identified in the plurality and diversity, brought by the people that compose them, characterizing it as accomplishment space, of happiness and also of conflict, of relationships of power and organizational limits and from birth and burial of faiths, values, norms, symbols, knowledge and rituals, therefore, deeply human. In that way, to know the administration of the organization is preponderant condition for the format of the human relationships to be delineated in its living. Like this the work makes an option in knowing the social administration, this work tries to know and analyze the values and beginnings of the social administration; revealling characteristics and specificities of the organizational performance of UNIPOP that contribute to the formation of the conception of Social Administration, it tends as source of the information the managers of the institution; to identify the formative values of UNIPOP that contribute to the youths' partner-political action in the community, tends for reference the current students of the organization and last to evaluate values structurates and supporting that interconnection between the organizational Administration, formation youth's program, participation and autonomy and attendance, starting from the existences gained by the exits, of that program. This way, the research will be qualitative, looking for understanding starting from their documents, the existence of those values

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The theme of civil society has resonated significantly in the analysis of social science studies and has long been the center of public opinion, applied to a vast range of contexts, significances and political ideological connotations. Starting with such an unstable theoretical scenario, our research proposal scrutinized two civil society analysis traditions. Embodied by Antonio Gramsci and Jürgen Habermas, these politically conceptual differences are significantly divided into distinct interpretations of the relationship between the state and civil society. On one side, in Gramsci's work, we observe civil society as historically constituted through "molecular expansion of the state", organizing itself during its obligatory constitutive moment. On the other, Habermas shows us a civil society instituted from the structural differentiation process of society developed due to the contradiction existing between the different ways the state administration is organized, the economy and daily social interaction (in which it is found). As a consequence, civil society is no longer seen as a political arena and the hegemonic catalyst of the state, but as a social arrangement destined to increase the viability of the ethical and dialogical reconstruction of social life. It follows that the understanding of the distinctions between both models of civil society become crucial in the measure that they are divided in relation to the delineation of acting agents, fighting strategies, and to the objective of their actions.Despite the existence of analytical dissonance, we intend to outline the common points between both these civil society analysis traditions whose conflicting political action models lead us to a greater understanding of our contemporary political scene. This will be done starting with the systematization of both selected authors' principal categories, and through the introduction of the "contra-hegemonic public sphere" concept

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The Article 225 of Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil in its main body, stipulates that everyone is entitled to ecologically balanced environment and the use of common people and essential to the healthy quality of life, should be imposed on public authorities and the community the duty to defend it and preserve it for present and future generations. Following a universal trend, the letter raised the Brazilian environment the category of one of those values ideals of social order, dedicating it, along with a constitution of rules sparse, a chapter, itself, which definitely, institutionalized the right to healthy environment as a fundamental right of the individual. The national public policies and state should be in line with modern theories of Sustainable Development, outlined within the international society, and certainly instruments that should be made effective through the mobilization of civil society as a whole. The implementation of Human Rights, in fact, depends on a strong political action and not just a legal problem. Thus, this work of theoretical-descriptive nature we will address various dimensions of sustainable development, such as environmental education, water, sanitation, health and sustainable development plans, evaluating its current stage in our state

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The theme that fits the perspective of this thesis comes from the interest of treating, in the Epicurean corpus, about the importance of the body and its manners of realization for understanding the thought of Epicurus of Samos. Based on the inferences contained in the texts that remained from Epicurus, we did an analysis of the aspects that characterize Epicurism as a thought that makes repeated references to the body as an instance of sensitivity. It was necessary, therefore, to discuss how the body is linked to the possibility of thought, and how the latter can be admitted as a body element. It is further understood that the atomistic physics converges to the idea that asserts natural phenomena as likely to be contained and explained by the observations that come from the senses which are manifested through the body. For this reason, it was also pertinent to reflect on the admission of the body as a key element for the interpretation of Epicurean thought, even under the constitution of language. The Epicurean construction about body image was also used for the interpretation and questioning of the dynamics that define the relationships between individuals, characterizing the koinonía of the garden through the notion of corporeal unity. It was defined, therefore, that the characterization of the action field of individuals who lived in the Epicurean garden revolves around the use of logos, with the dialogues coming from the exercise of philosophy for therapeutic purposes, which were able to introduce a specific mode of political action marked by the absence of strange interests of the notion of philía

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It is intended to problematize forms of participation and political action of psychologists toward mental health policy in Piauí. The study was motivated through challenges faced by the local Psychiatric Reform movement, and the one underway in the country, which needs support technical-assistence and sociopolitical to guarantee accomplishments and to move on with the complete reversion of the asylum to psychosocial model. The method was based on institutional analysis and counted with three insertion moments for the field research: a) to identify historical and political events that configure the local Psychiatric Reform (documental research/oral memory) and to identify psychologists that act in Mental Health; b) to realize participant observation and semi-structured interview with 33 psychologists which act in Mental Health in Teresina; c) to follow the sociopolitical contexts/events of the local Psychiatric Reform (participant observation and conversation circles). The data were analyzed considering four discussion axes, achieved through categorization of the collected material: 1) ways of professional insertion of psychologists in mental health; 2) knowledge and practices used to act in this work context of the profession; 3) political professional movements of workers of the reformist local process; 4) political action of psychologists toward the course of Piauí mental health policy. We concluded identifying that the participation of psychologists in Piauí mental health finds strength by the conduction of its macro and micropolitical professional action. The first one follows oriented by the lemma of social commitment, despite this movement doesn t have equivalence in the transformation of practices and political-professional postures of psychologists in the daily of services. The second is constituted in the every day of work, standing to the political action of the profession implicated with the preservation of the classic modus operandi of being psychologist. Therefore, it is about the actions that give little sustainability technicalassistance to the Psychiatric Reform underway in the State, and why not say in the country