Examining Participatory Governance in a Devolving UK: insights from national parks policy development in Northern Ireland

This paper provides a contemporary examination of policy making and participatory practice in the context of devolving governance in the UK. The paper takes Northern Ireland as its focus and is particularly timely considering the context of devolved governance, the ongoing transition from conflict to relative peace and the potential for rejuvenating democracy through participatory
governance. The paper concentrates on one particular policy process, namely the attempted designation of a national park in the Mournes Area of Outstanding Natural Beauty. A thematic analysis of qualitative data is drawn upon to analyse the structural factors that framed the policymaking process, in particular the role of power in determining how consultation processes were 2 initiated, designed and undertaken. Using Lukes’ model) as an analytical framework, power is shown to manifest at multiple levels within the policy-making process to influence policy outcomes. The paper reveals how the persistence of a top-down approach to policy development combined with a highly parochial political outlook undermined attempts to designate a Mourne National Park. The paper concludes that, given the immaturity of recently devolved government in
Northern Ireland, in this instance, the democratising intentions of devolved governance have not been met. This has implications for Northern Ireland’s recent reform of public administration which devolves certain planning powers to local authority level and the management of the internationally significant Mournes landscape.

Genotoxic risk of herbicides to Anguilla anguilla L.

No contexto dos contaminantes aquáticos, os herbicidas são considerados como um dos grupos mais perigosos. Uma vez aplicados, estes são facilmente transportados para cursos de água, quer devido a uma pulverização pouco cuidada ou devido a fenómenos de escorrência superficial e/ou subterrânea. A presença destes agroquímicos no ambiente tem vindo a ser associada a efeitos nefastos em organismos não-alvo, como é o caso dos peixes. Contudo, existe ainda uma grande lacuna no que diz respeito à informação científica relacionada com o seu impacto genotóxico. Deste modo, a presente tese foi delineada com o intuito de avaliar o risco genotóxico em peixes de duas formulações de herbicidas: o Roundup®, que tem como princípio activo o glifosato, e o Garlon®, que apresenta o triclopir na base da sua constituição, produtos estes largamente utilizados na limpeza de campos agrícolas, assim como em florestas. Foi ainda planeado desenvolver uma base de conhecimento no que diz respeito aos mecanismos de dano do ADN. Como último objectivo, pretendeu-se contribuir para a mitigação dos efeitos dos agroquímicos no biota aquático, nomeadamente em peixes, fornecendo dados científicos no sentido de melhorar as práticas agrícolas e florestais. Este estudo foi realizado adoptando a enguia europeia (Anguilla anguilla L.) como organismo-teste, e submetendo-a a exposições de curta duração (1 e 3 dias) dos produtos comerciais mencionados, em concentrações consideradas ambientalmente realistas. Para a avaliação da genotoxicidade foram aplicadas duas metodologias: o ensaio do cometa e o teste das anomalias nucleares eritrocíticas (ANE). Enquanto o ensaio do cometa detecta quebras na cadeia do ADN, um dano passível de ser reparado, o aparecimento das ANE revela lesões cromossomais, sinalizando um tipo de dano de difícil reparação. O ensaio do cometa foi ainda melhorado com uma nova etapa que incluiu a incubação com enzimas de reparação (FPG e EndoIII), permitindo perceber a ocorrência de dano oxidativo no ADN. No que diz respeito ao Roundup®, o envolvimento do sistema antioxidante como indicador de um estado próoxidante foi também alvo de estudo. Uma vez que as referidas formulações se apresentam sob a forma de misturas, o potencial genotóxico dos seus princípios activos foi também avaliado individualmente. No caso particular do Roundup®, também foram estudados o seu surfactante (amina polietoxilada; POEA) e o principal metabolito ambiental (ácido aminometilfosfórico; AMPA). Os resultados obtidos mostraram a capacidade do Roundup® em induzir tanto dano no ADN (em células de sangue, guelras e fígado) como dano cromossómico (em células de sangue). A investigação sobre o possível envolvimento do stresse oxidativo demonstrou que o tipo de dano no ADN varia com as concentrações testadas e com a duração da exposição. Deste modo, com o aumento do tempo de exposição, os processos relacionados com o envolvimento de espécies reactivas de oxigénio (ERO) ganharam preponderância como mecanismo de dano no ADN, facto que é corroborado pela activação do sistema antioxidante observado nas guelras, assim como pelo aumento dos sítios sensíveis a FPG em hepatócitos. O glifosato e o POEA foram também considerados genotóxicos. O POEA mostrou induzir uma maior extensão de dano no ADN, tanto comparado com o glifosato como com a mistura comercial. Apesar de ambos os componentes contribuirem para a genotoxicidade da formulação, a soma dos seus efeitos individuais nunca foi observada, apontando para um antagonismo entre eles e indicando que o POEA não aumenta o risco associado ao princípio activo. Deste modo, realça-se a necessidade de regulamentar limiares de segurança para todos os componentes da formulação, recomendando, em particular, a revisão da classificação do risco do POEA (actualmente classificado com “inerte”). Uma vez confirmada a capacidade do principal metabolito do glifosato – AMPA – em exercer dano no ADN assim como dano cromossómico, os produtos da degradação ambiental dos princípios activos assumem-se como um problema silencioso, realçando assim a importância de incluir o AMPA na avaliação do risco relacionado com herbicidas com base no glifosato. A formulação Garlon® e o seu princípio activo triclopir mostraram um claro potencial genotóxico. Adicionalmente, o Garlon® mostrou possuir um potencial genotóxico mais elevado do que o seu princípio activo. No entanto, a capacidade de infligir dano oxidativo no ADN não foi demonstrada para nenhum dos agentes. No que concerne à avaliação da progressão do dano após a remoção da fonte de contaminação, nem os peixes expostos a Roundup® nem os expostos a Garlon® conseguiram restaurar completamente a integridade do seu ADN ao fim de 14 dias. No que concerne ao Roundup®, o uso de enzimas de reparação de lesões específicas do ADN associado ao teste do cometa permitiu detectar um aparecimento tardio de dano oxidativo, indicando deste modo um decaimento progressivo da protecção antioxidante e ainda uma incapacidade de reparar este tipo de dano. O período de pós-exposição correspondente ao Garlon® revelou uma tendência de diminuição dos níveis de dano, apesar de nunca se observar uma completa recuperação. Ainda assim, foi evidente uma intervenção eficiente das enzimas de reparação do ADN, mais concretamente as direccionadas às purinas oxidadas. A avaliação das metodologias adoptadas tornou evidente que o procedimento base do ensaio do cometa, que detecta apenas o dano nãoespecífico no ADN, possui algumas limitações quando comparado com a metodologia que incluiu a incubação com as enzimas de reparação, uma vez que a última mostrou reduzir a possibilidade de ocorrência de resultados falsos negativos. Os dois parâmetros adoptados (ensaio do cometa e teste das ANE) demonstraram possuir aptidões complementares, sendo assim recomendado a sua utilização conjunta com vista a efectuar uma avaliação mais adequada do risco genotóxico. Globalmente, os resultados obtidos forneceram indicações de grande utilidade para as entidades reguladoras, contribuindo ainda para a (re)formulação de medidas de conservação do ambiente aquático. Neste sentido, os dados obtidos apontam para a importância da avaliação de risco dos herbicidas incluir testes de genotoxicidade. A magnitude de risco detectada para ambas as formulações adverte para a necessidade de adopção de medidas restritivas em relação à sua aplicação na proximidade de cursos de água. Como medidas mitigadoras de impactos ambientais, aponta-se o desenvolvimento de formulações que incorporem adjuvantes selecionados com base na sua baixa toxicidade.

Reconsidering neoliberal urban planning intimes of crisis: urban regeneration policy in a "dense" space in Lisbon

In this article, I contribute to recent debates about the concept of neoliberalism and its use as an explanatory concept, through the analysis of urban planning and regeneration policy in Lisbon amidst crisis and austerity. Suggesting a look at neoliberalization from a threefold perspective—the project, governmentalities, and policymaking—I analyze how current austerity-policy responses to the European economic crisis can be understood as a renewed and coherent deployment of neoliberal stances. The article presents implications for urban planning in Lisbon and thus suggests an exploration of the negotiations and clashes of hegemonic neoliberal governmentalities and policies with the local social and spatial fabric. For this exploration, I select a “deviant” case—the Mouraria neighborhood, a “dense” space in which the consequences of policies diverge sharply from expectations. In conclusion, I suggest that neoliberalization (in times of crisis) should be understood as a coherent project compromised by a set of highly ambiguous governmentalities, which bring about contradictory policymaking at the local level.

Lobbying by Trade Associations on EU Climate Policy

Climate change has been recognised as one of the greatest challenges of the 21st Century. Its impacts, and they way that we choose to deal with them will profoundly affect how business and society operates. This report focuses on European Union (EU) climate policy – the governance structures, rules and regulations that have been put in place at the EU level to attempt to mitigate and adapt to the impacts of climate change. Specifically, it focuses on how trade associations representing industrial sectors or broader business interest have lobbied on EU climate policy, and the impact that they have had on the policymaking process. The report then goes on to discuss whether the impacts of this lobbying align with the stated policies of the companies that are members of these trade associations.

School funding and education policy-making models in Ontario /

The purpose of this thesis is to examine various policy implementation models, and to determine what use they are to a government. In order to insure that governmental proposals are created and exercised in an effective manner, there roust be some guidelines in place which will assist in resolving difficult situations. All governments face the challenge of responding to public demand, by delivering the type of policy responses that will attempt to answer those demands. The problem for those people in positions of policy-making responsibility is to balance the competitive forces that would influence policy. This thesis examines provincial government policy in two unique cases. The first is the revolutionary recommendations brought forth in the Hall -Dennis Report. The second is the question of extending full -funding to the end of high school in the separate school system. These two cases illustrate how divergent and problematic the policy-making duties of any government may be. In order to respond to these political challenges decision-makers must have a clear understanding of what they are attempting to do. They must also have an assortment of policy-making models that will insure a policy response effectively deals with the issue under examination. A government must make every effort to insure that all policymaking methods are considered, and that the data gathered is inserted into the most appropriate model. Currently, there is considerable debate over the benefits of the progressive individualistic education approach as proposed by the Hall -Dennis Committee. This debate is usually intensified during periods of economic uncertainty. Periodically, the province will also experience brief yet equally intense debate on the question of separate school funding. At one level, this debate centres around the efficiency of maintaining two parallel education systems, but the debate frequently has undertones of the religious animosity common in Ontario's history. As a result of the two policy cases under study we may ask ourselves these questions: a) did the policies in question improve the general quality of life in the province? and b) did the policies unite the province? In the cases of educational instruction and finance the debate is ongoing and unsettling. Currently, there is a widespread belief that provincial students at the elementary and secondary levels of education are not being educated adequately to meet the challenges of the twenty-first century. The perceived culprit is individual education which sees students progressing through the system at their own pace and not meeting adequate education standards. The question of the finance of Catholic education occasionally rears its head in a painful fashion within the province. Some public school supporters tend to take extension as a personal religious defeat, rather than an opportunity to demonstrate that educational diversity can be accommodated within Canada's most populated province. This thesis is an attempt to analyze how successful provincial policy-implementation models were in answering public demand. A majority of the public did not demand additional separate school funding, yet it was put into place. The same majority did insist on an examination of educational methods, and the government did put changes in place. It will also demonstrate how policy if wisely created may spread additional benefits to the public at large. Catholic students currently enjoy a much improved financial contribution from the province, yet these additional funds were taken from somewhere. The public system had it funds reduced with what would appear to be minimal impact. This impact indicates that government policy is still sensitive to the strongly held convictions of those people in opposition to a given policy.

Le processus d’élaboration des politiques publiques de retraite au Canada et au Québec de 2003 à 2008

Les recherches en relations industrielles portent rarement sur les politiques publiques du marché du travail. Lorsqu’elles existent, ces recherches s’intéressent généralement à l’efficacité de ces politiques. Or, cette thèse illustre l’importance de comprendre comment se forment les lois et les règlements. Afin de mieux comprendre le processus d’élaboration des politiques publiques, une étude de cas a été réalisée dans le domaine des retraites au Québec et au Canada entre 2003 et 2008. Les retraites ont été ciblées en raison des bouleversements socio-économiques que connaissait le Canada à l’époque, notamment le vieillissement de la population et les fluctuations des rendements des fonds de retraite. Ce sujet a également été retenu car il s’agit d’une compétence partagée entre les paliers gouvernementaux fédéral et provinciaux ainsi que partagée entre le secteur public et privé.Afin d’étudier la question, des théories en relations industrielles et en sciences économiques ont été considérées. C’est toutefois la théorie des courants multiples du politologue américain John Kingdon qui a été retenu comme fondement théorique de cette thèse. Cette théorie, qui postulait que les acteurs voulant influencer les politiques publiques devaient attirer l’attention sur des problèmes, contrôler le débat sur les politiques considérées et se faire des appuis, a été confirmée. La contribution majeure de cette thèse a été d’identifier les différents types d’acteurs impliqués dans le processus d’élaboration de politiques publiques de retraite, les stratégies qu’ils ont employées pour y parvenir et les résultats de leurs efforts.

Double hegemony?

The paper introduces research on transatlantic relations done by neo-Gramscian authors. This research is distinctive by focusing on class in international relations and by using the concept of hegemony in a relational sense. Hegemony is leadership through the active consent of other classes and groups. A central question of this neo-Gramscian research is whether an international class of capitalists has emerged. Some authors have answered in the positive. This paper, however, maintains that hegemony in the international realm is still exercised by the American state, though its foreign economic policies have been greatly influenced by internationally-oriented corporations and that these actors have increasingly found allies among economic elites in other countries. The paper explores the relationship between hegemony by the American state and by internationally-oriented capital groups against the backdrop of transatlantic relations in the post-war period and the currrent debate on labor rights in international trade agreements.

El paradigma del Desarrollo Urbano Sostenible -DUS- como referente del proceso de toma de decisiones legislativas en Colombia. Análisis de la agenda legislativa del Congreso de la República entre 1991 y 2006

Este trabajo contribuye al análisis de la incidencia del paradigma del Desarrollo Urbano Sostenible en el proceso de toma de decisiones legislativas en Colombia, concentrándose en la discusión y definición de la agenda legislativa sobre asuntos urbanos, durante el periodo 1991-2006.

The Agendas of The Stream

The new tech has introduced the traits of the hypermedia, interactivity and convergence in the journalism field. Moreover, it has involved the emergence of new media and changes in the informative contents. In 2006 Al Jazeera in English was created for covering the underreported regions, inasmuch as new media arise, new contents do so, thus, the research examines the agendas of The Stream, the TV show from Al Jazeera that relies heavily on social networks.

La participación de las ONG en Naciones Unidas y su contribución a la gobernanza global

El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar el fenómeno de la participación de las ONG en el marco de la Organización de Naciones Unidas (ONU) y las implicaciones del mismo en las dinámicas de la gobernanza global. Se explican los conceptos principales para el análisis y posteriormente se hace una revisión de los antecedentes que permitieron el desarrollo de dicho fenómeno dentro de la organización y fuera de ella. Luego se centra el análisis en la incidencia de las ONG en la ONU y para la gobernanza global; se concluye con una reflexión sobre lo que puede esperarse de esta incidencia para el futuro de la organización.

Recursos para el análisis de las políticas públicas

Uno de los objetivos de la línea de Teoría y Práctica de las Políticas Públicas (TP3) es el análisis de las políticas públicas como objeto de estudio en sí mismo. En América Latina los estudios sobre este tema están más concentrados en el análisis práctico que en el académico, dejando de lado la posibilidad de teorizar y crear nuevos modelos que puedan ser replicados dentro de nuestros estudios de caso a nivel académico. Por ello, la tendencia ha sido la de copiar las teorías, enfoques y modelos propios de la escuela anglosajona (principalmente de Estados Unidos y Reino Unido), limitando nuestra capacidad de comprensión con respecto a nuestros fenómenos políticos, económicos y sociales. Por esta razón, durante el primer semestre de 2015 se creó el Semillero de Políticas Públicas con el fin de reflexionar sobre los vacíos que existen en la comprensión y el análisis de las políticas en Colombia y en Latinoamérica, para luego dar paso a la construcción de respuestas pertinentes. Esta publicación es el resultado de nuestra primera iniciativa como Semillero, la cual consiste en recoger las principales herramientas analíticas en el estudio académico de las políticas públicas, explicar sus postulados fundamentales, identificar sus fortalezas y debilidades y, finalmente, aplicar estas herramientas a un caso dentro del contexto colombiano.

Environmental governance from a gender perspective. Theoretical reflections and case studies

In the second half of the twentieth century we saw the environmental debate escalate into one of the most challenging and complex issues that authorities at international, national, regional and municipal levels have to deal with. The inherent complexity of environmental problems, which brings out the interconnections between the economic, socio-cultural and ecological dimensions of the territory, is increased by the social, scientific and political focuses of the debate, and their interdependencies. In the framework of governance, scientific and technical assessments are a relevant but not “unique” source for legitimating environmental policymaking. The discussion is opened towards the consideration of different existing perspectives on the environment. The main objective of the present study is to systematize and explore in-depth the perspectives brought by feminism and gender to environmental governance. What is the specificity of a feminist and gender outlook? In what sense does it bring new light to environmental governance processes? Such questions are explored empirically and theoretically.

The long-term EU budget: size or flexibility? Bruegel Policy Contribution 2012/20, November 2012

The EU is in the process of negotiating its 2014-20 financial framework. Failure to reach an agreement would imply a delay in the preparation of the strategic plans each member state puts together to explain how it will use Structural and Cohesion Funds. Even if solutions are found – for example annual renewals of the budget based on the previous year's figures – there will be political and institutional costs. EU leaders have too often and too forcefully advocated the use of the EU budget for growth to be able to drop the idea without consequences. • The overwhelming attention paid to the size of the budget is misplaced. EU leaders should instead aim to make the EU budget more flexible, safeguard it from future political power struggles, and reinforce assessment of the impact of EU funded growth policies. • To improve flexibility a commitment device should be created that places the EU budget above continuous political disagreement. We suggest the creation of a European Growth Fund, on the basis of which the European Commission should be allowed to borrow on capital markets to anticipate pre-allocated EU expenditure, such as Structural and Cohesion Funds. Markets would thus be a factor in EU budget policymaking, with a potentially disciplining effect. Attaching conditionality to this type of disbursement appears legitimate, as capital delivered in this way is a form of assistance.

EU Home Affairs Agencies and the Construction of EU Internal Security. CEPS Paper in Liberty and Security No. 53/December 2012

Regulatory agencies such as Europol, Frontex, Eurojust, CEPOL as well as bodies such as OLAF, have over the past decade become increasingly active within the institutional architecture constituting the EU’s Area of Freedom, Security and Justice and are now placed at the forefront of implementing and developing the EU’s internal security model. A prominent feature of agency activity is the large-scale proliferation of ‘knowledge’ on security threats via the production of policy tools such as threat assessments, risk analyses, periodic and situation reports. These instruments now play a critical role in providing the evidence-base that supports EU policymaking, with agency-generated ‘knowledge’ feeding political priority setting and decision-making within the EU’s new Internal Security Strategy (ISS). This paper examines the nature and purpose of knowledge generated by EU Home Affairs agencies. It asks where does this knowledge originate? How does it measure against criteria of objectivity, scientific rigour, reliability and accuracy? And how is it processed in order to frame threats, justify actions and set priorities under the ISS?

The social relations of business representation and devolved governance in the United Kingdom

The reform of regional governance in the United Kingdom has been, in part, premised on the notion that regions provide new territories of action in which cooperative networks between business communities and state-agencies can be established. Promoting business interests is seen as one mechanism for enhancing the economic competitiveness and performance of 'laggard' regions. Yet, within this context of change, business agendas and capacities are often assumed to exist 'out there, as a resource waiting to be tapped by state institutions. There is little recognition that business organisations' involvement in networks of governance owes much to historical patterns and practices of business representation, to the types of activities that exist within the business sector, and to interpretations of their own role and position within wider policymaking and implementation networks. This paper, drawing on a study of business agendas in post-devolution Scotland, demonstrates that in practice business agendas are highly complex. Their formation in any particular place depends on the actions of reflexive agents, whose perspectives and capacities are shaped by the social, economic, and political contexts within which they are operating. As such, any understanding of business agendas needs to identify the social relations of business as a whole, rather than assuming away such complexities.