Fiscal policy and social protection

Includes bibliography

Right to health in Latin America: beyond universalization

Incluye bibliografía.

Social mobility and the demand for income redistribution in Latin America

Includes bibliography

The employment situation in Latin America and the Caribbean: Crisis in the labour markets and countercyclical responses

As predicted in the first bulletin, produced jointly by the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) and the International Labour Organization (ILO), the impact of the economic crisis continued to be felt in Latin America and the Caribbean during the second quarter of 2009. Regional exports of goods and services contracted in response to sluggish demand on international markets, while remittances and foreign direct investment flows continued to fall, credit lost its buoyancy and the total wage bill diminished, owing mainly to job losses. As a result, the growth forecasts of many countries had to be adjusted downwards. Since the end of 2008, the countries of the region had started to implement countercyclical policies —albeit with significant differences— in an effort to use public spending to counter flagging investment and consumer-spending levels and boost aggregate demand. In this second bulletin, ECLAC and ILO show how the impact of the crisis has deepened in labour markets in the region in the first half of the year and examine existing options and the outcome of public-infrastructure and emergency employment programmes designed to mitigate the impact of the crisis on the labour market. The unemployment rate has risen in practically all countries compared with the previous year and this situation worsened further in the second quarter, when urban unemployment exceeded the rate of the corresponding period in 2008 by 1 percentage point (to stand at 8.5%, up from 7.5%), while in the first quarter, the variation was 0.6 of a percentage point. Labour indicators also point to an increase in informality, a decline in employment with social protection and a decrease in full-time employment. Labour-market trends observed in the first half-year, together with the forecast for a 1.9% decline in regional GDP in 2009, suggest that the average annual rate of urban unemployment in the region will be close to 8.5%. This forecast is slightly less pessimistic than the estimate given in the first bulletin; this is attributable to the fall in the participation rate in the first half-year to levels that are expected to remain low for the rest of the year. Without this reduction in the labour supply, due largely to the “discouragement effect”, the annual average urban unemployment rate would stand at between 8.8% and 8.9%. Thus, the open urban unemployment figure would increase by 2.5 million and if the “discouraged job-seekers” are included, then the number of additional persons not finding a niche in the urban labour market would climb to 3.2 million. In the region, as in the rest of the world, there are signs that the crisis may have reached bottom in the middle of the year. In many countries, production levels have ceased their decline and there are indications of an incipient recovery leading to cautious optimism that there may be a moderate upturn in labour markets in the fourth quarter. The pace of recovery will vary from one country to the next and is expected to be gradual at best. Even with the return to a growth path, there should be no illusion that the labour problems will immediately disappear. First, the recovery in employment is expected to lag behind the upturn in economic activity. Second, since economic growth is likely to remain moderate in the short term and well below the rates recorded between late 2003 and mid-2008, demand for labour and consequently the generation of good-quality jobs will continue to be weak. Thus, countries should not relax their efforts to defend and create decent jobs, but rather should take steps to improve the effectiveness and efficiency of available instruments. In this way, the region will be in a better position not only to confront the challenges of economic recovery, but also to strengthen the foundations for social inclusion and for advancing under more favourable conditions towards fulfilment of the Millennium Development Goals.

Stylized features of the investment-growth connection in Latin America, 1980-2012

Estimates of investment and its components in Latin America over the past 30 years are used to review stylized facts relating to investment and explore factors that explain its connection with economic growth. In particular, the low level of investment, the reduction in public spending in the 1980s and its partial recovery along with private investment between 2003 and 2010 are explored. It is found that the increase in national income —on the back of rising terms of trade— made it possible to increase national saving and its contribution to financing investment between 2004 and 2008. The analysis of causality between the investment ratio and growth in gross domestic product (gdp) suggest that —for a considerable number of Latin American countries— changes in the growth rate have preceded changes in the investment ration in the period under study.

Macroeconomic trade-offs and external vulnerabilities of human development in Nicaragua

Nicaragua is making progress towards the Millennium Development Goals, but is set to miss a number of targets in 2015. This paper’s general equilibrium analysis shows that it is unfeasible for the government to step up spending in order to meet these targets by the 2015 deadline. Any boost to public spending and financing would have to be front-loaded, which would entail pernicious macroeconomic trade-offs. A more realistic scenario would be to postpone meeting the goals until 2020. In that case, the allocation of public spending would spur economic growth without causing macroeconomic hardships, although the country would nevertheless remain highly vulnerable to external shocks.

Fatores críticos de baixa efetividade no planejamento estratégico das cidades: um estudo na região metropolitana do vale do paraíba e litoral norte

Pós-graduação em Engenharia Mecânica - FEG

Fiscal policy contradiction: a perspective on Brazil and Mexico

The aim of this paper is to discuss the quality of fiscal policy in Brazil and Mexico and investigate whether fiscal policy influence is favorable to reduce the unemployment rate. Public spending, which has a positive effect on the level of employment when results in additional aggregate demand, may cause a negative effect on employment, if its financing depends on persistent high interest rates. Brazil and Mexico have engaged in a long effort to control public spending and to reduce the public deficit to zero. Does this policy bring a positive result to the economic activity no matter how actual public deficit has been financed? We select variables related to public budget as public sector borrowing requirements, taxes, public debt and others to form a data base. The fiscal institutional arrangement and the data allow us to evaluate the fiscal policy as a who leand to discuss the importance of credibility and reputation of the government.

Recuperação de papel e papelão na usina de triagem de lixo de Lençóis Paulista - SP

Pós-graduação em Ciência Florestal - FCA

Indicadores diagnósticos da síndrome metabólica, butirilcolinesterase e estado de condicionamento físico em adolescentes obesos e eutróficos: uma breve explanação do atual estado da arte

Damage to health caused by excess body fat also generating a negative economic impact, with significant increase in public spending. The metabolic syndrome, which also gets several other names, such as plurimetabolic syndrome or syndrome X, is nothing more than the combined incidence of some diseases or metabolic disorders in which obesity, besides being one of them, seems to promote parallel effects that contribute to the development of other chronic diseases such as diabetes and cardiovascular disease. Researchers agree that hyper caloric diets associated with a sedentary lifestyle are the main triggers of disease, including the increasing on genetic predisposition to this disease in children and adolescents. In the case of children and adolescents the diagnosis is complicated by the lack of a consensus accepted by the scientific community. In addition to behavioral and environmental factors unfavorable to health, in a more detailed analysis also found hereditary aspects or simply genetic, such as hepatic enzyme Butyrylcholinesterase. When compared to eutrophic, obese adolescents, like adults obese, have higher serum concentration values as well as major activity for this enzyme. Increasing evidence suggests that excess body weight assumes an important role in the variation of metabolic functions in adolescents, favoring the emergence of early diagnostic indicators of metabolic syndrome.

Qualidade do gasto público municipal em ensino fundamental no Brasil

Quality of municipal public spending on primary education in Brazil. The focus of this paper was to analyze the relationship between municipal public education spending and students' academic achievement, evaluated according to IDEB (Index of Basic Education Development) of 2005. The following databases were used: School Census 2005, Brazil Exam (mathematics evaluation applied to students from fourth grade of elementary school) and Finance of Brazil (FINBRA). A multilevel model was estimated and the results suggest that simply increasing the percentage of municipal expenditures on education or the percentage of spending on primary education in relation to municipal expenditures on education do not automatically guarantee improvements in the quality of education.

Democracy Reconsidered : Britain, France, Sweden, and the EU

The purpose of this thesis is to investigate whether some positions in democratic theory should be adjusted or abandoned in view of internationalisation; and if adjusted, how. More specifically it pursues three different aims: to evaluate various attempts to explain levels of democracy as consequences of internationalisation; to investigate whether the taking into account of internationalisation reveals any reason to reconsider what democracy is or means; and to suggest normative interpretations that cohere with the adjustments of conceptual and explanatory democratic theory made in the course of meeting the other two aims. When empirical methods are used, the scope of the study is restricted to West European parliamentary democracies and their international affairs. More particularly, the focus is on the making of budget policy in Britain, France, and Sweden after the Second World War, and recent budget policy in the European Union. The aspects of democracy empirically analysed are political autonomy, participation, and deliberation. The material considered includes parliamentary debates, official statistics, economic forecasts, elections manifestos, shadow budgets, general election turnouts, regulations of budget decision-making, and staff numbers in government and parliament budgetary divisions. The study reaches the following conclusions among others. (i) The fact that internationalisation increases the divergence between those who make and those who are affected by decisions is not by itself a democratic problem that calls for political reform. (ii) That international organisations may have authorities delegated to them from democratic states is not sufficient to justify them democratically. Democratisation still needs to be undertaken. (iii) The fear that internationalisation dissolves a social trust necessary for political deliberation within nations seems to be unwarranted. If anything, views argued by others in domestic budgetary debate are taken increasingly serious during internationalisation. (iv) The major difficulty with deliberation seems to be its inability to transcend national boundaries. International deliberation at state level has not evolved in response to internationalisation and it is undeveloped in international institutions. (v) Democratic political autonomy diminishes during internationalisation with regard to income redistribution and policy areas taken over by international organisations, but it seems to increase in public spending. (vi) In the area of budget policy-making there are no signs that governments gain power at the expense of parliaments during internationalisation. (vii) To identify crucial democratic issues in a time of internationalisation and to make room for theoretical virtues like general applicability and normative fruitfulness, democracy may be defined as a kind of politics where as many as possible decide as much as possible.

Administración y Bienes Culturales. Una comparación entre Italia y España

En este estudio se analizó la Administración Pública que tiene el encargo de la tutela y revalorización del Patrimonio Cultural, en una perspectiva comparativa entre los dos países. La investigación se dividió en dos partes. Una primera en la que se analizan las soluciones legales adoptadas por los diversos regímenes durante los siglos. Se busca analizar la respuesta legal dada históricamente a los problemática social de la conservación del Patrimonio Cultural y entender las políticas que la Administración había adoptado finalmente. Este histórico viaje terminará con la legislación vigente, y con el análisis de la Legislación inminentemente anterior, que ha sentado las bases de la actual estructura de la Administración Pública, que ejercerá las competencias relativas a la protección del patrimonio cultural. El estudio continúa con una segunda parte en la que, con dos capítulos, se procede a examinar la legislación que regula la organización de la Administración Pública tanto de Italia como de España. En cada uno de los países se analizan todos los niveles territoriales, así como los organismos o instituciones autónomas creadas dentro de los Organismos Públicos de cada Estado. El tercer capítulo supone una comparación y una crítica de ambas organizaciones. Ambas estructuras en ocasiones han surgido a partir de un punto en común, incluso, a pesar de haber tenido evoluciones distintas de conformidad a la especificidad del país, todavía presentan similitudes. Por otra parte, ambos países se han visto perjudicadas recientemente por las políticas relacionadas con los recortes en el gasto público, lo que llevó a la reducción de la Administración Pública, aunque no de un modo tan satisfactorio, como esperábamos. El estudio finaliza con las conclusiones obtenidas tras el análisis concienzudo de ambas administraciones.

Is the Median Voter Decisive? Evidence of 'Ends Against the Middle' From Referenda Voting Patterns

This paper examines whether the voter with the median income is decisive in local spending decisions. Previous tests have relied on cross-sectional data while we make use of a pair of California referenda to estimate a first difference specification. The referenda proposed to lower the required vote share for passing local educational bonding initiatives from 67 to 50 percent and 67 to 55 percent, respectively. We find that voters rationally consider future public service decisions when deciding how to vote on voting rules, but the empirical evidence strongly suggests that an income percentile below the median is decisive for majority voting rules. This finding is consistent with high income voters with weak demand for public educational services voting with the poor against increases in public spending on education.

The Economic Case for Fiscal Federalism in Scotland

In this paper we consider the case for assigning tax revenues to Scotland, by which we mean that taxes levied on Scottish tax bases should be returned to the Scottish budget. The budget, however, would continue to be supplemented by transfers from the Westminster budget. This arrangement differs from the current situation whereby public spending is largely financed by a bloc grant from Westminster. Our suggestion falls short of full fiscal federalism for Scotland . meaning that Scotland had control over choice of tax base and of tax rates, and fiscal transfers from Westminster would be minimal. We use propositions drawn from the theory of fiscal federalism to argue for a smaller vertical imbalance between taxes retained in Scotland and public spending in Scotland. A closer matching of spending with taxes would better signal to beneficiaries the true costs of public spending in terms of taxes raised. It would also create more complete incentives for politicians to provide public goods and services in quantities and at qualities that voters are actually willing to pay for. Under the current bloc grant system, the marginal tax cost of spending does not enter into political agents. calculations as spending is out of a fixed total budget. Moreover, the Scottish electorate is hindered in signaling its desire for local public goods and services since the size of the total budget is determined by a rigid formula set by Westminster. At the present time we reject proposals for full fiscal federalism because in sharply reducing vertical imbalance in the Scottish budget, it is likely to worsen horizontal balance between Scotland and the other UK regions. Horizontal balance occurs where similarly situated regions enjoy the same per capita level of public goods and services at the same per capita tax cost. The complete removal of the bloc grant under full fiscal federalism would remove the mechanism that currently promotes horizontal equity in the UK. Variability in own-source tax revenues creates other problems with full fiscal federalism. Taxes derived from North Sea oil would constitute a large proportion of Scottish taxes, but these are known to be volatile in the face of variable oil prices and the pound-dollar exchange rate. At the present time variability in oil tax revenue is absorbed by Westminster. Scotland is insulated through the bloc grant. This risk sharing mechanism would be lost with full fiscal federalism. It is true that Scotland could turn to financial markets to tide itself over oil tax revenue downturns, but as a much smaller and less diversified financial entity than the UK as a whole it would probably have to borrow on less favorable terms than can Westminster. Scotland would have to bear this extra cost itself. Also, with full fiscal federalism it is difficult to see how the Scottish budget could be used as a macroeconomic stabilizer. At present, tax revenue downturns in Scotland - together with the steady bloc grant - are absorbed through an increase in vertical imbalance. This acts as an automatic stabilizer for the Scottish economy. No such mechanism would exist under full fiscal federalism. The borrowing alternative would still exist but on the less favorable terms - as with borrowing to finance oil tax shortfalls.