939 resultados para Opposition patronale


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Fritz Kaufmann

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Fil: Rollié, Emilio Federico. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación; Argentina.

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Fil: Rollié, Emilio Federico. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación; Argentina.

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The aim of this study was to develop an anthropometric profile on highly skilled male water polo players by specific playing positions. Also, to identify significant relationships between these features an overhead throwing speed in highly skilled male Water Polo players by specific playing positions. Methods: A total of 94 male water polo players (24.5±5.3 yrs) who were playing in the Spanish King´s cup were studied. Subjects were grouped according to their specific playing positions: 15 goalkeepers, 45 offensive wings, 20 center backs and 14 center forwards. Anthropometric assessment was made following ISAK protocols. Hand grip and throwing speed in several situations were also assessed. A one-way analysis of variance (ANOVA) was used to determine if significant differences existed among the four playing positions. Pearson product-moment correlation coefficients (r) were used to determine the relationships of all anthropometric measures with throwing speed and hand grip. The total player’s somatotype was endomorphic-mesomorphic (2.9–5.8–2.3). Center forwards exhibit important anthropometric differences compared with the other specific playing positions in elite male water polo players, but no differences were found in throwing speed by specific playing positions in each throwing conditions. Moreover, a higher number of relationships between anthropometric and throwing speed were found in wings and also in center backs but no relationships were found in center forwards. The data reflects the importance of muscle mass and upper body in the throwing skill. Coaches can use this information in order to select players for the different specific positions.

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The political campaign before Germany’s parliamentary elections to be held on 22 September has in all its glory reflected the trends visible during the last four years of the government of Chancellor Angela Merkel – the strength of the Christian Democrats, the weakness of the opposition and the increasing marginalisation of the coalition partner, the FDP. The CDU/CSU remains the most popular political choice in Germany, largely because Angela Merkel has consistently remained the most popular German politician. Everything indicates that the CDU/CSU will win the election, even though it has been running a passive campaign and the Chancellor herself has been avoiding confrontation, presenting herself as a kind of cross-party representative of the interests of all social groups. The Christian Democrats’ main competitors, the Social Democrats, have been unable to play to their strengths and present themselves as a serious alternative to the CDU/CSU. The Christian Democrats, despite their difficult cooperation with the liberal FDP, have declared their willingness to continue doing so during the next parliamentary term. If the numbers make that impossible, and the Social Democrats and the Greens have too few votes to be able to form a government, a grand coalition of the Christian Democrats and the SPD will be formed in Germany.

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The costs of the crisis in Southern European countries have not been only economic but political. Economic crises tend to lead to government instability and termination while political challengers are expected to exploit this contingent window of opportunity to gain an advantage over incumbents in national elections. The current crisis seems to make no exception, looking at the results of the general elections recently held in Southern Europe. However, this did not always lead to a clear victory of the main opposition parties. In most of the elections, in fact, the incumbent parties’ loss did not coincide with the official opposition’s gain. The extreme case is represented by Italy, where both the outgoing government coalition led by Silvio Berlusconi – setting aside for the moment the technocratic phase – and its main challenger, the centre left coalition, ended up losing millions of voters and a new political force, the Five Star Movement, obtained about 25 per cent of votes. On the opposite side there is Portugal. Only in Portugal did the vote increase for the centre right PSD, in fact, exceed the incumbent socialists’ loss. The present work aims at exploring the factors which might account for this significant divergence between the two cases.

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In recent months in Ukraine, there has been a toughening of measures targeted at opposition leaders, in particular the former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko and the former interior minister Yuri Lutsenko. These two have been charged with abuses of office when in power. The way in which the criminal investigations are being conducted shows that these measures are actually meant to prevent the two politicians from conducting regular political activities, or at least to make this practically impossible for them. These actions are an element of the Party of Regions’ long-term strategy, as it tries during the pre-election period to eliminate Yulia Tymoshenko from political life and weaken or even destroy her powerbase. Similar measures, although to a more limited extent, are being taken against other opposition groups. These actions are leading to the lowering of democratic standards in Ukraine, although these are still much higher than in Belarus or Russia; this has been proved, among other things, by the militia’s more restrained behaviour towards the protesters, and the fact that abuses of the law during the current investigations have not yet slipped into actual violations. The Ukrainian opposition is fragmented and disorganised; even the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc is unable to stage a major campaign in defence of its leader. This allows the authorities to feel free to tighten their policy towards the opposition.

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The Belarusian opposition is currently experiencing its deepest crisis since Alyaksandr Lukashenka took power in 1994. Following many months of negotiations, opposition leaders failed to select a joint candidate for the presidential election scheduled for 11th October. The failure of this latest round of talks has proven that not only is the opposition unlikely to threaten Lukashenka’s rule; it will not even be able to demonstrate to society that it could provide a genuine alternative to the present government.

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Où se trouvaient les mécontents.--L'opposition des gens du monde.--L'exil d'Ovide.--Les délateurs.--Un roman de moeurs sous Néron.--Les écrivains de l'opposition.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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Mode of access: Internet.