987 resultados para National Party


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Earlier versions were presented at the ECPR Joint Sessions Workshop on ‘How and Why of Party Manifestos in New and Established Democracies’, University of St. Gallen, April 2011, and at PSA and EPOP Conferences in 2011. We are grateful to all participants for their feedback, and particularly Bob Harmel and Lars Svasand for their comments and leading this project. We are also grateful to Dai Moon for discussions around Welsh manifestos and highlighting some otherwise unavailable literature. The usual disclaimers naturally apply. Alistair Clark gratefully acknowledges the financial support of a British Academy Overseas Conference Grant, Award Number OC100383 for travel to the 2011 ECPR Joint Sessions. The final definitive version of this paper has been published in Party Politics by SAGE Publications Ltd and is available on the journal website at: http://ppq.sagepub.com/ All Rights Reserved © Alistair Clark and Lynn Bennie.

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General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.

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General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.

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This thesis examines the manufacture, use, exchange (including gift exchange), collecting and commodification of German medals and badges from the early 18th century until the present-day, with particular attention being given to the symbols that were deployed by the National Socialist German Workers’ Party (NSDAP) between 1919 and 1945. It does so by focusing in particular on the construction of value through insignia, and how such badges and their symbolic and monetary value changed over time. In order to achieve this, the thesis adopts a chronological structure, which encompasses the creation of Prussia in 1701, the Napoleonic wars and the increased democratisation of military awards such as the Iron Cross during the Great War. The collapse of the Kaiserreich in 1918 was the major factor that led to the creation of the NSDAP under the eventual strangle-hold of Hitler, a fundamentally racist and anti-Semitic movement that continued the German tradition of awarding and wearing badges. The traditional symbols of Imperial Germany, such as the eagle, were then infused with the swastika, an emblem that was meant to signify anti-Semitism, thus creating a hybrid identity. This combination was then replicated en-masse, and eventually eclipsed all the symbols that had possessed symbolic significance in Germany’s past. After Hitler was appointed Chancellor in 1933, millions of medals and badges were produced in an effort to create a racially based “People’s Community”, but the steel and iron that were required for munitions eventually led to substitute materials being utilised and developed in order to manufacture millions of politically oriented badges. The Second World War unleashed Nazi terror across Europe, and the conscripts and volunteers who took part in this fight for living-space were rewarded with medals that were modelled on those that had been instituted during Imperial times. The colonial conquest and occupation of the East by the Wehrmacht, the Order Police and the Waffen-SS surpassed the brutality of former wars that finally culminated in the Holocaust, and some of these horrific crimes and the perpetrators of them were perversely rewarded with medals and badges. Despite Nazism being thoroughly discredited, many of the Allied soldiers who occupied Germany took part in the age-old practice of obtaining trophies of war, which reconfigured the meaning of Nazi badges as souvenirs, and began the process of their increased commodification on an emerging secondary collectors’ market. In order to analyse the dynamics of this market, a “basket” of badges is examined that enables a discussion of the role that aesthetics, scarcity and authenticity have in determining the price of the artefacts. In summary, this thesis demonstrates how the symbolic, socio-economic and exchange value of German military and political medals and badges has changed substantially over time, provides a stimulus for scholars to conduct research in this under-developed area, and encourages collectors to investigate the artefacts that they collect in a more historically contextualised manner.

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This dissertation addresses the broader antecedents of the Communist Party of Albania (CPA) as one of a number of associations whose experience was central to Albanian political history. This long experience dates back to the informal national associations formed in the Ottoman Empire of the late nineteenth century. The dissertation examines the role of these associations which, pursuing language rights and political representation through imperial state reforms, set a pattern that struggled to connect nation and state, rather than asserting the territorial demands for a nation-state familiar across the region. Starting out in the Ottoman Empire, but then maturing in the Albanian diaspora in Romania, Bulgaria, Egypt and the United States, this dissertation shows politically significant processes of longer-term adaptation that created informal associations as institutional structures able to channel collective action. It then traces the reframing of these patterns through their destruction in the Balkan Wars and the First World War to the emergence of communist associations in the interwar period and beyond. This dissertation is a sustained study that traces long-term Ottoman imperial political legacies in the Albanian successor state. The story of the associations, based on hitherto unexamined archival documents, shows that the Albanians possessed a far greater capacity for political mobilization that previously acknowledged by historians. Moreover, the dissertation successfully challenges the conventional wisdom that portrays the Albanians as irreparably divided along sectarian and regional faultlines. It finds that Albanian national activism was civic in character rather than ethnic as elsewhere in the Balkans. The Albanians fought to remain within a multinational framework because this afforded them political security, social advancement and potential economic growth. In the late Ottoman period, this political objective was manifested in the acceptance of the supranational imperial order whereas during the Second World War, in the aspiration to become members of the Comintern internationalist movement. Another important find, is the newly-discovered evidence concerning the founding of the CPA and its wartime conduct as an organization created and led by the Albanians themselves, albeit with Yugoslav ideological assistance under the transnational umbrella of the Comintern.

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The inclusion of non-ipsative measures of party preference (in essence ratings for each of the parties of a political system) has become established practice in mass surveys conducted for election studies. They exist in different forms, known as thermometer ratings or feeling scores, likes and dislikes scores, or support propensities. Usually only one of these is included in a single survey, which makes it difficult to assess the relative merits of each. The questionnaire of the Irish National Election Study 2002 (INES2002) contained three different batteries of non-ipsative party preferences. This paper investigates some of the properties of these different indicators. We focus in particular on two phenomena. First, the relationship between non-ipsative preferences and the choices actually made on the ballot. In Ireland this relationship is more revealing than in most other countries owing to the electoral system (STV) which allows voters to cast multiple ordered votes for candidates from different parties. Second, we investigate the latent structure of each of the batteries of party preferences and the relationships between them. We conclude that the three instruments are not interchangeable, that they measure different orientations, and that one –the propensity to vote for a party– is by far preferable if the purpose of the study is the explanation of voters’ actual choice behaviour. This finding has important ramifications for the design of election study questionnaires.

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El trabajo a continuación tiene como objetivo mostrar cómo la música ha estado ligada al afroamericano desde su llegada al continente Americano en 1800, y cómo ha sido usada para lograr una transformación político-social que permitiría alcanzar la igualdad de trato en Estados Unidos durante la mitad del siglo XX. Se observará la evolución del Blues desde sus raíces y la introducción del R&B como expresión de pensamiento, ideas y experiencias utilizado por The Black Panther Party en la escena social negra de la época. Para lograr el objetivo anteriormente mencionado, se utilizará la Teoría de Campos de Pierre Bourdieu, junto con los conceptos de Capital y Habitus.

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The vast majority of maternal deaths in low-and middle-income countries are preventable. Delay in obtaining access to appropriate health care is a fairly common problem which can be improved. The objective of this study was to explore the association between delay in providing obstetric health care and severe maternal morbidity/death. This was a multicentre cross-sectional study, involving 27 referral obstetric facilities in all Brazilian regions between 2009 and 2010. All women admitted to the hospital with a pregnancy-related cause were screened, searching for potentially life-threatening conditions (PLTC), maternal death (MD) and maternal near-miss (MNM) cases, according to the WHO criteria. Data on delays were collected by medical chart review and interview with the medical staff. The prevalence of the three different types of delays was estimated according to the level of care and outcome of the complication. For factors associated with any delay, the PR and 95%CI controlled for cluster design were estimated. A total of 82,144 live births were screened, with 9,555 PLTC, MNM or MD cases prospectively identified. Overall, any type of delay was observed in 53.8% of cases; delay related to user factors was observed in 10.2%, 34.6% of delays were related to health service accessibility and 25.7% were related to quality of medical care. The occurrence of any delay was associated with increasing severity of maternal outcome: 52% in PLTC, 68.4% in MNM and 84.1% in MD. Although this was not a population-based study and the results could not be generalized, there was a very clear and significant association between frequency of delay and severity of outcome, suggesting that timely and proper management are related to survival.

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The 2005 National Institutes of Health (NIH) Consensus Conference proposed new criteria for diagnosing and scoring the severity of chronic graft-versus-host disease (GVHD). The 2014 NIH consensus maintains the framework of the prior consensus with further refinement based on new evidence. Revisions have been made to address areas of controversy or confusion, such as the overlap chronic GVHD subcategory and the distinction between active disease and past tissue damage. Diagnostic criteria for involvement of mouth, eyes, genitalia, and lungs have been revised. Categories of chronic GVHD should be defined in ways that indicate prognosis, guide treatment, and define eligibility for clinical trials. Revisions have been made to focus attention on the causes of organ-specific abnormalities. Attribution of organ-specific abnormalities to chronic GVHD has been addressed. This paradigm shift provides greater specificity and more accurately measures the global burden of disease attributed to GVHD, and it will facilitate biomarker association studies.

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To evaluate the occurrence of severe obstetric complications associated with antepartum and intrapartum hemorrhage among women from the Brazilian Network for Surveillance of Severe Maternal Morbidity. Multicenter cross-sectional study. Twenty-seven obstetric referral units in Brazil between July 2009 and June 2010. A total of 9555 women categorized as having obstetric complications. The occurrence of potentially life-threatening conditions, maternal near miss and maternal deaths associated with antepartum and intrapartum hemorrhage was evaluated. Sociodemographic and obstetric characteristics and the use of criteria for management of severe bleeding were also assessed in these women. The prevalence ratios with their respective 95% confidence intervals adjusted for the cluster effect of the design, and multiple logistic regression analysis were performed to identify factors independently associated with the occurrence of severe maternal outcome. Antepartum and intrapartum hemorrhage occurred in only 8% (767) of women experiencing any type of obstetric complication. However, it was responsible for 18.2% (140) of maternal near miss and 10% (14) of maternal death cases. On multivariate analysis, maternal age and previous cesarean section were shown to be independently associated with an increased risk of severe maternal outcome (near miss or death). Severe maternal outcome due to antepartum and intrapartum hemorrhage was highly prevalent among Brazilian women. Certain risk factors, maternal age and previous cesarean delivery in particular, were associated with the occurrence of bleeding.

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To assess the occurrence of severe maternal complications owing to postpartum hemorrhage (PPH) and its associated factors. A secondary analysis of data from a multicenter cross-sectional prospective surveillance study included 9555 cases of severe maternal morbidity at 27 centers in Brazil between July 2009 and June 2010. Complications of PPH, conditions of severity management, and sociodemographic and obstetric characteristics were assessed. Factors independently associated with severe maternal outcome (SMO) were identified using multiple regression analysis. Overall, 1192 (12.5%) of the 9555 women experienced complications owing to PPH (981 had potentially life-threatening conditions, 181 maternal near miss, and 30 had died). The SMO ratio was 2.6 per 1000 live births among women with PPH and 8.5 per 1000 live births among women with other complications. Women with PPH had a higher risk of blood transfusion and return to the operating theater than did those with complications from other causes. Maternal age, length of pregnancy, previous uterine scar, and cesarean delivery were the main factors associated with an increased risk of SMO secondary to PPH. PPH frequently leads to severe maternal morbidity. A surveillance system can identify the main causes of morbidity and could help to improve care, especially among women identified as being at high risk of PPH.

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Objective To evaluate the occurrence of severe obstetric complications associated with antepartum and intrapartum hemorrhage among women from the Brazilian Network for Surveillance of Severe Maternal Morbidity.Design Multicenter cross-sectional study.Setting Twenty-seven obstetric referral units in Brazil between July 2009 and June 2010.Population A total of 9555 women categorized as having obstetric complications.Methods The occurrence of potentially life-threatening conditions, maternal near miss and maternal deaths associated with antepartum and intrapartum hemorrhage was evaluated. Sociodemographic and obstetric characteristics and the use of criteria for management of severe bleeding were also assessed in these women.Main outcome measures The prevalence ratios with their respective 95% confidence intervals adjusted for the cluster effect of the design, and multiple logistic regression analysis were performed to identify factors independently associated with the occurrence of severe maternal outcome.Results Antepartum and intrapartum hemorrhage occurred in only 8% (767) of women experiencing any type of obstetric complication. However, it was responsible for 18.2% (140) of maternal near miss and 10% (14) of maternal death cases. On multivariate analysis, maternal age and previous cesarean section were shown to be independently associated with an increased risk of severe maternal outcome (near miss or death).Conclusion Severe maternal outcome due to antepartum and intrapartum hemorrhage was highly prevalent among Brazilian women. Certain risk factors, maternal age and previous cesarean delivery in particular, were associated with the occurrence of bleeding.

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A construção da direção única na saúde constitui-se um desafio para a gestão local do SUS, particularmente para municípios de grande porte. Este artigo analisou o processo de implementação do SUS no município de São Paulo, visando identificar estratégias para viabilizar uma direção única, no período de 2001 a 2008. Com base em um estudo de caso, foram utilizados dados obtidos de informantes privilegiados da gestão e de documentos de gestão. O conceito de integração sanitária foi utilizado como categoria analítica. Foram analisados movimentos e estratégias dos atores institucionais envolvidos diretamente na gestão do SUS, os gestores municipal e estadual. Observaram-se avanços institucionais como a municipalização das unidades básicas de saúde estaduais e a habilitação do município na gestão plena do sistema municipal. Apesar dessa condição de gestão e da identidade político-partidária entre os governos municipal e estadual desde 2005, constatou-se a coexistência de dois subsistemas públicos de saúde pouco integrados. Um municipal, que concentrava os serviços de atenção básica; outro estadual, que concentrava parte considerável dos serviços de média e alta complexidades. Instrumentos de gestão adotados, como o sistema de regulação, mostraram-se frágeis para superar a falta de integração entre os referidos subsistemas. Como implementar a direção única no SUS implica uma (re)divisão de recursos e poder, discute-se que não bastam normas nem instrumentos de gestão para viabilizá-la. É um desafio estratégico para o SUS implementar processo de negociação, envolvendo os atores institucionais e políticos, visando a pactuação de um projeto político na saúde.

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Este artigo apresenta a experiência de implantação de um sistema de gestão em Saúde do Trabalhador implantado na Superintendencia de Controle de Endemias (SUCEN), no período de 1998 a 2002, que operava na atividade de controle químico de vetores no Estado de São Paulo. OBJETIVO: Descrever o sistema de gestão participativa, as ações desenvolvidas e os principais resultados alcançados. MÉTODO: Relato da experiência vivenciada pela equipe usando abordagem qualitativa, análise de documentos e apresentação de dados quantitativos. RESULTADOS: Foram eleitas 11 Comissões de Saúde e Trabalho (COMSAT's) que em conjunto com a equipe técnica iniciaram a identificação dos riscos e de propostas para prevenção e controle dos riscos no trabalho. O mapeamento de riscos resultou em 650 recomendações, 45,7% das quais foram executadas. Foram identificadas como doenças relacionadas ao trabalho: reações alérgicas aos pesticidas, lesões por esforços repetitivos, distúrbios auditivos e patologias de coluna vertebral. Participaram dos cursos básicos de saúde do trabalhador 1.003 servidores (76,3% do total de servidores), sendo que 90,8% dos participantes os consideraram ótimos ou bons. CONCLUSÕES: O sistema de gerenciamento participativo coloca em prática os princípios de gestão democrática do Sistema Único de Saúde (SUS); incorpora, por meio do mapeamento de riscos, o saber do trabalhador; inclui os trabalhadores como sujeitos do processo de negociação e mudanças; pratica o direito à informação. As COMSAT's revelaram-se espaços adequados para a negociação das melhorias nas condições de trabalho. A aprovação do sistema de gestão culminou na validação legal por meio de um acordo tripartite assinado em março de 2002.