998 resultados para Literature, Medieval


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Resumen: El hispanista francés Georges Cirot fue el primero en emplear el término “maurofilia literaria” (maurophilie littéraire) en 1938 para referirse a la representación del valor y la nobleza de los moros en la literatura española del siglo XVI. Pero como señaló Ramón Menéndez Pidal (1957, 202), ya en los siglos XIV y XV los castellanos se habían sentido atraídos por los musulmanes de Granada, por su exótica civilización, su lujo en el vestir, la espléndida ornamentación de sus edificios y su modo de cabalgar, armarse y combatir. Francisco Márquez Villanueva (1984, 117-118) indicó que aunque la literatura maurófila del siglo XVI fue elaborada bajo el signo avanzado del humanismo cristiano, cuyas características fueron “el inconformismo y la sensibilidad para toda suerte de realidades en divergencia del mundo oficial”, las raíces de la maurofilia literaria se encuentran en el viejo romancero fronterizo y morisco elaborado en el siglo XV. En su opinión, el Romancero fue la patria de la “maurofilia pura” y es donde encontramos un cuadro de referencias temáticas “hecho de toponimia y onomástica, armas, indumentaria, policromía y cabalgadas” tendiente a caracterizar al moro como un ser refinado y superior. Para María Rosa Lida (1960, 355), en cambio, la imagen caballeresca del moro se remonta a don Juan Manuel, pues en sus obras aparecen las cortes musulmanas como “centros de molicie refinada y suntuosa”. En efecto, en el Libro de los estados se afirma el valor del moro como guerrero y en el Conde Lucanor aparecen una serie de reyes moros magnánimos y discretos. Sin embargo, el árabe como personaje sabio o “ejemplar” figura ya en una de las fuentes del Conde Lucanor, la Disciplina clericalis, obra compuesta a principios del siglo XII por el judío converso Pedro Alfonso. Por otra parte, el análisis de la representación de los moros en textos épicos, Avengalvón en el Poema de mio Cid y Almanzor en la Los siete infantes de Lara, nos permite descubrir un importante e insoslayable antecedente de la maurofilia de los últimos siglos de la Edad Media

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Integran este número de la revista ponencias presentadas en Studia Hispanica Medievalia VIII : Actas de las X Jornadas Internacionales de Literatura Española Medieval, 2011, y de Homenaje al Quinto Centenario del Cancionero General de Hernando del Castillo.

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[ES]A lo largo de las páginas de este trabajo se pasa revista a diversas cuestiones que permiten realizar una aproximación a las diversas formas de vida cotidiana y mentalidad del País Vasco y Navarra durante los siglos bajomedievales. Esas cuestiones aluden al primum vivere, al ciclo vital, al control de la vida privada de los individuos y pública de las comunidades por parte de las autoridades, las fiestas, las supersticiones y distintos aspectos relativos a la cultura, como literatura, historiografía y arte.

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Ao longo do processo histórico nas culturas ocidentais e orientais o papel feminino esteve relegado ao segundo plano. Tanto a religião quanto a tradição oral tiveram papéis primordiais no aprisionamento do feminino no quarto escuro da História. A teoria da mulher como origem e potência do mal remonta à antiguidade. Muitos historiadores acreditam na existência de sociedades matriarcais que foram desarticuladas pelas sociedades patriarcais. O universo feminino foi, e ainda é na atualidade, um grande enigma para os homens.A presente dissertação tem o objetivo de demonstrar a importância da religião, dos mitos, lendas e contos na construção da figura feminina medieval, para isso, abordaremos como a tradição oral em conjunto com as religiões patriarcais reforçou a ideia da mulher como origem e potência do mal. Recorremos a aspectos históricos, religiosos e literários, procuramos por intermédio de a Bíblia Sagrada e de O Corão entender a influência religiosa, além de verificarmos quais os aspectos históricos que tiveram relevância na perpetuação da misoginia e a ainda como a tradição oral teve a sua cota na construção desse universo misógino. Tentamos compreender como se deu a conexão entre tradição oral e religião na formulação da figura feminina e o porquê dessa mulher ter historicamente uma posição desprivilegiada diante de determinadas culturas

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As narrativas em torno da busca do Graal tiveram origem no século XI e foram de grande importância para fixar a imagem de um personagem típico da sociedade medieval, o cavaleiro, como um novo modelo heroico. Nesse sentido, os cavaleiros que encontraram o Graal nessas narrativas, especialmente no ciclo literário conhecido como Matéria da Bretanha, representam a configuração máxima desse paradigma. Esta pesquisa visa analisar a permanência de tal imagem no cinema, que é igualmente uma arte narrativa, como o eram as novelas de cavalaria que originaram o modelo. O corpus a ser analisado são três significativas obras do cineasta norte-americano Terry Gilliam que direta ou indiretamente retomam a questão do Graal: Monty Python em busca do Cálice sagrado (Monty Phyton and The Holy Grail, 1974), O pescador de ilusões (The Fisher King, 1991) e Os doze macacos (Twelve Monkeys, 1995). Assim, procura-se com esta tese traçar um panorama das retomadas da imagem literária e medieval dos cavaleiros no cinema, assim como observar as mudanças no padrão dessas imagens descritas literariamente para sua representação óptico-sonora

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Watt, P., Medieval Women's Writing (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2007) RAE2008

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The landscape of late medieval Ireland, like most places in Europe, was characterized by intensified agricultural exploitation, the growth and founding of towns and cities and the construction of large stone edifices, such as castles and monasteries. None of these could have taken place without iron. Axes were needed for clearing woodland, ploughs for turning the soil, saws for wooden buildings and hammers and chisels for the stone ones, all of which could not realistically have been made from any other material. The many battles, waged with ever increasingly sophisticated weaponry, needed a steady supply of iron and steel. During the same period, the European iron industry itself underwent its most fundamental transformation since its inception; at the beginning of the period it was almost exclusively based on small furnaces producing solid blooms and by the turn of the seventeenth century it was largely based on liquid-iron production in blast-furnaces the size of a house. One of the great advantages of studying the archaeology of ironworking is that its main residue, slag, is often produced in copious amounts both during smelting and smithing, is virtually indestructible and has very little secondary use. This means that most sites where ironworking was carried out are readily recognizable as such by the occurrence of this slag. Moreover, visual examination can distinguish between various types of slag, which are often characteristic for the activity from which they derive. The ubiquity of ironworking in the period under study further means that we have large amounts of residues available for study, allowing us to distinguish patterns both inside assemblages and between sites. Disadvantages of the nature of the remains related to ironworking include the poor preservation of the installations used, especially the furnaces, which were often built out of clay and located above ground. Added to this are the many parameters contributing to the formation of the above-mentioned slag, making its composition difficult to connect to a certain technology or activity. Ironworking technology in late medieval Ireland has thus far not been studied in detail. Much of the archaeological literature on the subject is still tainted by the erroneous attribution of the main type of slag, bun-shaped cakes, to smelting activities. The large-scale infrastructure works of the first decade of the twenty-first century have led to an exponential increase in the amount of sites available for study. At the same time, much of the material related to metalworking recovered during these boom-years was subjected to specialist analysis. This has led to a near-complete overhaul of our knowledge of early ironworking in Ireland. Although many of these new insights are quickly seeping into the general literature, no concise overviews on the current understanding of the early Irish ironworking technology have been published to date. The above then presented a unique opportunity to apply these new insights to the extensive body of archaeological data we now possess. The resulting archaeological information was supplemented with, and compared to, that contained in the historical sources relating to Ireland for the same period. This added insights into aspects of the industry often difficult to grasp solely through the archaeological sources, such as the people involved and the trade in iron. Additionally, overviews on several other topics, such as a new distribution map of Irish iron ores and a first analysis of the information on iron smelting and smithing in late medieval western Europe, were compiled to allow this new knowledge on late medieval Irish ironworking to be put into a wider context. Contrary to current views, it appears that it is not smelting technology which differentiates Irish ironworking from the rest of Europe in the late medieval period, but its smithing technology and organisation. The Irish iron-smelting furnaces are generally of the slag-tapping variety, like their other European counterparts. Smithing, on the other hand, is carried out at ground-level until at least the sixteenth century in Ireland, whereas waist-level hearths become the norm further afield from the fourteenth century onwards. Ceramic tuyeres continue to be used as bellows protectors, whereas these are unknown elsewhere on the continent. Moreover, the lack of market centres at different times in late medieval Ireland, led to the appearance of isolated rural forges, a type of site unencountered in other European countries during that period. When these market centres are present, they appear to be the settings where bloom smithing is carried out. In summary, the research below not only offered us the opportunity to give late medieval ironworking the place it deserves in the broader knowledge of Ireland's past, but it also provided both a base for future research within the discipline, as well as a research model applicable to different time periods, geographical areas and, perhaps, different industries..

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Three buildings in what is now a small port in Ardglass, Co. Down are connected by their location on the ridge overlooking the harbour and quay. Because of the Irish vernacular style related to tower houses they have all been called castles, but analysis shows that they were originally more commercial in their purpose. The largest of the buildings is identified as a line of shops. The building adjacent to that was possibly used as a warehouse or communal hall, while the third building appears to have been used as a watch tower for the port. As such they relate to other commercial buildings found in late medieval Irish towns, notably Kilmallock, Co. Limerick.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to identify the main practitioners, goods, customers and locations of secondhand marketing activities in late medieval England. It questions how important was the economic role played by such markets and what was the interaction with more formal market structures?

Design/methodology/approach – A broad range of evidence was examined, covering the period from 1200 to 1500: regulations, court rolls, wills, manorial accounts, literature, and even archaeology. Such material often provided mere scraps of information about marginal marketing activity and it was important to recognise the severe limitations of the evidence. Nevertheless, a wide survey of the available sources can give us an insight into medieval attitudes towards such trade, as well as reminding us that much marketing activity occurred beyond the reach of the surviving documentation.

Findings – Late medieval England had numerous outlets for secondhand items, from sellers of used clothes and furs who wandered the marketplaces to craftsmen who recycled and mended old materials. Secondhand marketing was an important part of the medieval makeshift economy, serving not only the needs of the lower sectors of society but also those aspiring to a higher status. However, it is unlikely that such trade generated much profit and the traders were often viewed as marginal, suspicious and even fraudulent.

Originality/value – There is a distinct lack of research into the extent of and significance of medieval secondhand marketing, which existed in the shadowy margins of formal markets and is thus poorly represented in the primary sources. A broad-based approach to the evidence can highlight a variety of important issues, which impact upon the understanding of the medieval English economy.

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This article considers cows and dairying as the basis a17of value system in early societies, particularly in Ireland. Only in a very few instances is it possible to demonstrate that such systems existed. When it does, it can be shown that cows and dairying were imbedded in the social or religious institutions of these cultures. Cattle had a value and meaning much greater than their economic worth in terms of food, hides, tallow etc. Such a systems, however, does not allow economic development as dairy produce does not easily lend itself to the production, and accumulation, of significant surplus nor is dairy produce particularly suitable for economic expansion based on trade. Its perishable nature militates against both roles. In order to develop political power that is based on economic power and wealth it is necessary to change the emphasis from livestock to cereal production.

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This article examines the role that translation may have played in the development of medieval vernacular literature. It analyses an extract of an early 13th-c. translation into a hybrid French-Occitan vernacular of an 8th-c. historical text, the 'Liber Historiae Francorum'. The translation coincides with the adoption of narrative prose both in Old French and in Occitan literature, which reflects a growing interest in historical writings. The second half of the article compares the anecdote with the narrative structures and content of one of the troubadour 'vidas' and 'razos' - biographical texts in prose that emerged in the same period and regions as this translation. The article concludes by suggesting that the new vernacular genre shares narrative features with the early medieval Latin text that are preserved in its translation.

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Objectives: This study provides the first large scale analysis of the age at which adolescents in medieval England entered and completed the pubertal growth spurt. This new method has implications for expanding our knowledge of adolescent maturation across different time periods and regions. Methods: In total, 994 adolescent skeletons (10-25 years) from four urban sites in medieval England (AD 900-1550) were analysed for evidence of pubertal stage using new osteological techniques developed from the clinical literature (i.e. hamate hook development, CVM, canine mineralisation, iliac crest ossification, radial fusion). Results: Adolescents began puberty at a similar age to modern children at around 10-12 years, but the onset of menarche in girls was delayed by up to 3 years, occurring around 15 for most in the study sample and 17 years for females living in London. Modern European males usually complete their maturation by 16-18 years; medieval males took longer with the deceleration stage of the growth spurt extending as late as 21 years. Conclusions: This research provides the first attempt to directly assess the age of pubertal development in adolescents during the tenth to seventeenth centuries. Poor diet, infections, and physical exertion may have contributed to delayed development in the medieval adolescents, particularly for those living in the city of London. This study sheds new light on the nature of adolescence in the medieval period, highlighting an extended period of physical and social transition.