944 resultados para Lacan, Jacques, 1901-1981


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The question can no longer just be whether “art and social practice” or creative forms of activism are part of larger neo liberal agenda nor if they are potentially radical in their conception, delivery or consumption. The question also becomes: what are the effects of social practice art and design for the artists, institutions, and the publics they elicit in public and private spaces; that is, how can we consider such artworks differently? I argue the dilution of social practices’ potentially radical interventions into cultural processes and their absorption into larger neo liberal agendas limits how, as Jacques Rancière might argue, they can intervene in the “distribution of the sensible.” I will use a case study example from The Center for Tactical Magic, an artist group from the San Francisco Bay Area.

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This thesis by creative work explores relationships among human beings, the nonhuman natural world and language. It addresses the central research question: 'How can a novel embody a narrative of recovery from psychological trauma in which recovery is primarily a function of the character's subjective interaction with nature?' The novel, 'The Child Pose', tells the story of a woman's recovery from psychological trauma. The thesis draws on the psychoanalytic theory of Jacques Lacan, who saw the human subject as fundamentally split and alienated, and therefore inherently vulnerable to being destabilised by trauma. Situating the narrative of recovery within the emerging fields of ecocriticism and ecopsychology, the research constructs psychological recovery through interaction with nature as a transformation of subjectivity: the creation of a new, more stable and connected kind of subject, which Jordan (2012) has called 'the ecological subject'.

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This study examines the Chinese press discussion about democratic centralism in 1978-1981 in newspapers, political journals and academic journals distributed nationwide. It is thus a study of intellectual trends during the Hua Guofeng period and of methods, strategies, and techniques of public political discussion of the time. In addition, this study presents democratic centralism as a comprehensive theory of democracy and evaluates this theory. It compares the Chinese theory of democratic centralism with Western traditions of democracy, not only with the standard liberal theory but also with traditions of participatory and deliberative democracy, in order to evaluate whether the Chinese theory of democratic centralism forms a legitimate theory of democracy. It shows that the Chinese theory comes close to participatory types of democracy and shares a conception of democracy as communication with the theory of deliberative democracy. Therefore, the Chinese experience provides some empirical evidence of the practicability of these traditions of democracy. Simultaneously, this study uses experiences of participatory democracies outside of China to explain some earlier findings about the Chinese practices. This dissertation also compares Chinese theory with some common Western theories and models of Chinese society as well as with Western understandings of Chinese political processes. It thus aims at opening more dialogue between Chinese and Western political theories and understandings about Chinese polity. This study belongs to scholarly traditions of the history of ideas, political philosophy, comparative politics, and China studies. The main finding of this study is that the Chinese theory of democratic centralism is essentially a theory about democracy, but whether its scrupulous practicing alone would be sufficient for making a country a democracy depends on which established definition of democracy one applies and on what kind of democratic deficits are seen as being acceptable within a truly democratic system. Nevertheless, since the Chinese theory of democratic centralism fits well with some established definitions of democracy and since democratic deficits are a reality in all actual democracies, the Chinese themselves are talking about democracy in terms acceptable to Western political philosophy as well.

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Tutkielmani käsittelee Kokoomuksen suhdetta presidentti Urho Kekkoseen ja Neuvostoliiton Kommunistiseen puolueeseen NKP:hen. Tutkielmassa selvitetään, mitä kokoomuslaiset poliitikot tekivät näiden suhteiden kehittämiseksi ja puolueensa hallitusaseman saavuttamiseksi vuosina 1969-1981. Suomi solmi toisen maailmansodan jälkeen yya-sopimuksen Neuvostoliiton kanssa ja sitoutui noudattamaan ystävällismielistä politiikkaa Neuvostoliittoa kohtaan. Presidentti J. K. Paasikiven kaudella (1946-56) aloitettu ystävyyspolitiikka oli kehittynyt varsin pitkälle 1960-luvun loppuun mennessä. Vuonna 1956 presidentiksi valitun Urho Kekkosen johdolla hyvistä neuvostosuhteista muodostui Suomessa huipputason politiikan teon edellytys. Kekkonen vaati ehdotonta kuuliaisuutta Paasikivi-Kekkosen ulkopoliittiselle linjalle, niin puolueilta kuin yksittäisiltä poliitikoiltakin. Tämän linjan noudattaminen merkitsi Neuvostoliiton arvostelusta pidättäytymistä ja sitä kautta luottamusta Kekkosen ja NKP:n piirissä. Suomettumisen kaudeksi kutsuttuna aikana 1960-70-luvuilla Kokoomuksen asema oli erityisen vaikea, sillä tietyt puolueen poliitikot jatkoivat Kekkosen ja NL:n arvostelua. Muut keskeiset puolueet olivat päässeet Kekkosen ja Neuvostoliiton suosioon, mutta Kokoomusta ei näiden taholta hyväksytty hallituspuolueeksi vuoden 1966 jälkeen. Suurista puolueista SDP lunasti ulkopoliittisen luottamuksen Kekkoselta ja NKP:ltä 1966, eikä Kokoomusta enää välttämättä tarvittu enemmistöhallituksiin Keskustapuolueen pariksi. Kokoomuksen nuorempi polvi ymmärsi, että vaalimenestyksestä riippumatta hallitusasemaa ei enää saavuteta ilman Kekkosen ja NKP:n luottamusta. Vanhempi polvi puolestaan vastusti Urho Kekkosta ja hänen johdollaan kehittynyttä poliittista kulttuuria. Kokoomuksessa alkoi vuonna 1969 taistelu suhtautumisesta Kekkosen presidenttiyteen ja toiminta puolueen neuvostosuhteiden parantamiseksi. Tutkielma perustuu Porvarillisen Työn Arkiston lähdemateriaaliin, aiheesta julkaistuun kirjallisuuteen, Urho Kekkosen päiväkirjoihin ja arkistomateriaaliin sekä henkilöhaastatteluihin.

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Photocopies of correspondence between Scheuermann, Ernst Cramer, Cardinal Ratzinger, Reuben Hecht on Pope John XXIII and his alleged repentance prayer.

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Obverse: Emblem of the Israel Government and Medals Corporation. Reverse: A Jerusalem panorama, inscription.

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The memoir was written in New York between 1981 and 1983. Recollections of the Nazi take-over in Germany and their growing awareness of the upcoming danger. Closure of the cabaret of Friedrich Hollaender, where Lotte and her husband were working, due to its "subversive" political views. After the burning of the "Reichstag" (parliament) Lotte and Victor emigrated to France. Life of emigres in Paris. Lotte found work as a foreign language secretary. Victor worked with a film editor. Extradition from France due to their expired carte d'identite. Move to Amsterdam. In 1935 they went to friends in Spain, where Victor had a position as a film editor. They lived in Barcelona until outbreak of civil war. Escape to London via Prague. Exit visas for the United States. Arrival in New York in 1937. Victor was invited by Friedrich Hollaender to Hollywood, where Lotte joined him a few months later. Work as butler and cook in a family. Lotte found only a few engagements in theater and film. Divorce from her husband and remarriage with actor Wolfgang Zilzer (Paul Andor).

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Contains correspondence, minutes, reports, clippings, manuscripts, research materials, journal articles, photographs and publications; primarily relating to Berger's involvement with Ethiopian Jewry and his efforts to bring about their rescue through the organization he formed, the American Association for Ethiopian Jews. Also contains material from Berger's other interests- his writings, travels through the world and to Israel and Ethiopia, community affiliations, research in Black American Jews, profession as a Jewish social work executive, his commitment to Jewish causes and to Israel. There are also many personal and biographical materials from the numerous long-term friendships and associations he established.

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Collection consists largely of minutes and correspondence from the office of the Jewish Immigrant Information Bureau which administered the Galveston Immigration Plan. Includes correspondence among members of the JIIB, the Industrial Removal Office, the Hilfsverein de Deutschen Juden (Relief Organization of German Jews), the Jewish Colonization Society (ICA), and various Jewish organizations in the United States. Collection also contains many ship passenger lists.

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