125 resultados para Inquisitorial prosecutions


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Produced in association with WAVE Trauma Centre, this short film records the experiences of six victims and survivors of the Northern Irish Troubles. Filmed and edited collaboratively, UV addresses issues of trauma, loss, justice and recovery. The story-tellers range from a police widow, to the brother of a sectarian victim, to a youth worker who lost is legs in an explosion. This film has been screened, with public discussions, between 2010 and 2012 by the Good Relations Departments of the following Borough and City Councils - Belfast, Derry/Londonderry, Lisburn, Ballymena, Coleraine, Moyle and Newtownabbey. It has also been screened at the Hallwells Contemporary Arts Centre, Buffalo, and at St Bonaventure University, NY (2012)

http://www.wavetraumacentre.org.uk/about-us/wave-projects/unheard-voices

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This 30 minute documentary film was produced in collaboration with WAVE Trauma Centre, Belfast. Working closely with six survivors of the Troubles violence in Northern Ireland through all stages of production and exhibition, the film contributes to on-going discussions about dealing with the conflicted past in a contested present. The role of storytelling, identified by two government reports – the Bloomfield Report and the Eames-Bradley Report - as an important method of addressing the violent past, is one of the key research questions involved in the research. Public screenings and discussions have been organised by the Good Relations Departments of seven borough councils (Belfast, Lisburn, Derry, Ballymena, Newtownabbey, Coleraine and Moyle). The film has also been screened in New York State and London. One of the recurring themes brought up in these public discussions in the role and limits of storytelling alongside the legal issues of justice, prosecutions and reparations. An accompanying co-written article with PhD student, Jolene Mairs, 'Unheard Voices' in Mc Keogh, C. and O'Connel, D. (eds) (2012) Documentary in a Changing State,Cork University Press, is part of the portfolio presented for REF.

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In April 1989, ninety-six men, women and children, supporters of Liverpool Football Club, died in a severe crush at an FA Cup semi-final at Hillsborough Stadium, Sheffield. Hundreds were injured and thousands traumatised. Within hours, the causes and circumstances of the disaster were contested. While a judicial inquiry found serious institutional failures in the policing and management of the capacity crowd, no criminal prosecutions resulted, and the inquests returned ‘accidental death’ verdicts. Immediately, the authorities claimed that drunken, violent fans had caused the fatal crush. Denied legitimacy, survivors’ accounts revealed a different story criticising the parlous state of the stadium, inadequate stewarding, negligent policing, failures in the emergency response and flawed processes of inquiry and investigation. Reflecting on two decades of research and contemporaneous interviews with bereaved families and survivors, this article contrasts the official discourse with those alternative accounts – the ‘view from below’. It demonstrates the influence of powerful institutional interests on the inquiries and investigations. It maps the breakthrough to full documentary disclosure following the appointment of the Hillsborough Independent Panel, its research and key findings published in September 2012. The campaigns by families and survivors were vindicated and the fans, including those who died, were exonerated. The process is discussed as an alternative method for liberating truth, securing acknowledgement and pursuing justice.

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Reports that the Competition and Markets Authority (CMA) began operations in "shadow form" on October 1, 2013 prior to it taking over the mandates of the Competition Commission and the Office of Fair Trading in April 2014. Outlines the CMA's draft guidance, issued for consultation on September 17, 2013, on prosecutions for the cartel offence. Presents links to other CMA communications.

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In November 2013 the Attorney General of Northern Ireland, John Larkin, suggested the possibility to ending troubles-related historic prosecutions in Northern Ireland. These remarks provoked a considerable reaction, mostly hostile, and while the attorney’s rationale was based largely upon the practical difficulties associated with gathering reliable evidence and securing prosecutions after a lengthy time lag, his suggestion raises the question of whether forgetting would be preferable to remembering when it comes to our contested past. This paper intends to take a different slant on commemoration by exploring in broad terms the theme of ‘not commemorating’. In this regard it will examine the arguments in favour of remembering. Specifically in regard to the case of the memory of the First World War, it will examine the mistaken impression that the commemoration of that conflict was not widespread in independent Ireland during the inter-war years. Finally, it will suggest some of the greatest challenges facing contemporary Northern Irish society in marking the decade of centenaries.

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Drawing on the ‘from below’ perspective which has emerged in transitional justice scholarship and practice
over the past two decades, this article critically examines the dealing with the past debate in Northern
Ireland. The paper begins by offering an outline of the from below perspective in the context of post-conflict
or post-authoritarian societies which are struggling to come to terms with past violence and human rights
abuses. Having provided some of the legal and political background to the most recent efforts to deal with
the past in Northern Ireland, it then critically examines the relevant past-related provisions of the Stormont
House Agreement, namely the institutions which are designed to facilitate ‘justice’, truth recovery and the
establishment of an Oral History Archive. Drawing from the political science and social movement
literature on lobbying and the ways in which interests groups may seek to influence policy, the paper then
explores the efforts of the authors and others to contribute to the broader public debate, including through
drafting and circulating a ‘Model Bill’ on dealing with the past (reproduced elsewhere in this issue) as a
counterweight to the legislation which is required from the British government to implement the Stormont
House Agreement. The authors argue that the combination of technical capacity, grass-roots
credibility and ‘international-savvy’ local solutions offers a framework for praxis from below in other
contexts where activists are struggling to extend ownership of transitional justice beyond political elites.
Keywords: transitional justice; from below; dealing with the past; legislation; truth
recovery; prosecutions; oral history

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The nature of the Portuguese transition to democracy and the following state crises (1974-1975) created a ‘window of opportunity’ in which the ‘reaction to the past’ was much stronger than in the other Southern or even of Central and Eastern European transitions. In Portugal, initiatives of symbolic rupture with the past began soon after the April 25, 1974, coup d’état and transitional justice policies assumed mainly three formulas. First, the institutional reforms directed primarily to abusive state institutions such as the political police (PIDE-DGS) and political courts (Plenary courts) in order to dismantle the repressive apparatus and prevent further human rights abuses and impunity. Secondly, the criminal prosecutions addressed to perpetrators considered as being the most responsible for repression and abuses. Finally, lustration or political purges (saneamentos, the term used in Portugal to designate political purges) which were, in fact, the most common form of political justice in Portuguese transition to democracy. This paper deals with the peculiarities of transitional justice in Portugal devoting a particular attention to the judicial, a key sector to understand the way the Portuguese dealt with their authoritarian past.

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Tese apresentada para cumprimento dos requisitos necessários à obtenção do grau de Doutor em História Económica e Social Moderna

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From the introduction: Mexico is in a state of siege. In recent years, organized crime and drug-related violence have escalated dramatically, taking innocent lives and leaving the country mired in bloodshed. The Mexican government, under the leadership of President Felipe Calderón, has responded in part by significantly extending the reach of its security operations, deploying thousands of federal police officers and military troops to combat the activities of drug cartels, and collaborating with the United States on an extensive regional security plan known as the Mérida Initiative. In the midst of the security crisis, however, the government has somewhat paradoxically adopted judicial reforms that protect human rights and civil liberties rather than erode them, specifically the presumption of innocence standard in criminal proceedings and the implementation of oral trials. Assuming that the new laws on the books will be applied in practice, these reforms represent an important commitment on the part of the government to uphold human rights and civil liberties. This is in stark contrast to the infamous judicial reforms in Colombia—the institutionalization of anonymous or “faceless” prosecutions in special courts—implemented after a surge in leftist and cartel brutality, and the murders of several prominent public and judicial officials in the 1980s.

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The Union Territory of Pondicherry prior to its merger with the Indian Union was a French Colony. The erstwhile territory of Pondicherry along with its hamlets, namely, KARAIKKAL, MAHE and YANAM was administered by the French Regime. Before it was established by French in 1 6 74 A.D. it was part of Vijayanagara Empire. Prior to this, Pondicherry was a part of the Kingdom of Chola and Pallava Kings. During French Regime, the laws which were in force in France in relation to administration of civil and criminal justice were extended to the erstwhile Territory of Pondicherry. Thus while Pondicherry stood influenced by the Inquisitorial system since the beginning of the 18th century, the neighboring states forming part of the Indian Union since Independence came under the Influence of the British system, viz. accusatorial system. The territory of Pondicherry, for administrative reasons, came to be merged with the Indian Union in the early 60's. Following the merger, the Indian administration sought to extent its own laws from time to time replacing erstwhile French Laws, however, subject to certain savings. Thus the transitional period witnessed consequential changes in the administration of the territory, including the sphere of judicial system. Since I 963, the Union Territory of Pondicherry was brought under the spell of the Indian Legal System The people in Pondicherry ' thus have had the benefit of experiencing both the svstems. Their experiences will be of much help to those who undertake comparative studies in law. The plus and minus points of the respective systems help one to develop a detachment that helps independent evaluation of the svstents. The result of these studies could be relevant in revitalising our criminal systems.The present system is evaluated in the light of the past system. New dimensions are added by way' of an empirical study also.

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Teniendo en cuenta tres casos dentro del contexto del conflicto armado donde la jurisdicción penal colombiana estudia la admisión o exclusión de medios probatorios producidos a partir de injerencias de comunicaciones, encontramos que no siempre se aplica la regla de exclusión cuando no cuentan con una orden judicial previa. Ante este problema, buscamos como se ha solucionado, teniendo como referente la el Derecho Internacional Humanitario, el Derecho Internacional de los Derechos Humanos. Lo anterior nos da base para entender la regla de exclusión de que se ha venido desarrollando dentro del Derecho Internacional Penal. Si bien estas reglas nos sirven para solucionar estos tres casos, terminan siendo contradictorios a lo que ha venido desarrollando la Corte Constitucional. De esta manera, si bien esta Corte consideró que la regla de Estatuto de Roma, va en concordancia con la nuestra regla de exclusión nacional, tal afirmación es errónea.

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A pesar de las numerosas leyes que restringían la emigración hacia el nuevo mundo, la presencia de criptojudíos (o marranos, como se les llamaba despectivamente) en las colonias españolas es perceptible desde el comienzo de la conquista y aumenta considerablemente luego de la unificación de los reinos ibéricos en 1580. Gracias al estudio exhaustivo de la documentación inquisitorial peninsular y americana, el autor logra reconstituir el fresco trágico de los grupos criptojudíos de origen portugués que, pasando por Sevilla, llegaron hasta los confines del nuevo mundo. Más allá del estudio detallado del fenómeno estrictamente religioso, su investigación permite apreciar la vitalidad de las redes comerciales marranas y judías de origen ibérico que, desplegados a una escala planetaria, participaron activamente en el apogeo del mercantilismo.

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El texto constituye un ejercicio de microhistoria y Antropología histórica que busca aportar a la historiografía colombiana información sobre las formas de comprender el crimen (el infanticidio y los comportamientos escandalosos como el adulterio, el concubinato y el incesto), el problema del honor durante finales del siglo XVIII –pues la mayoría de estudios han versado sobre el siglo XIX- y las configuraciones familiares (particularmente las actitudes maternales y paternales) al interior de la provincia de Antioquia. Usualmente estos temas se han tratado por separado y con diversas fuentes, pero este texto busca una visión general a partir de la participación de las personas en calidad de implicados, testigos y funcionarios en los juicios criminales.

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Este proyecto de innovación educativa se presentó en el Congreso Internacional de Innovación en la Educación celebrado en Valladolid los dias 26, 27 y 28 de abril de 2005

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Resumen tomado de la revista. Resumen en Inglés

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Truth commissions and criminal trials have come to be perceived as complementary transitional justice mechanisms. However, where effective prosecutions are dependent on the exchange of information and transfer of suspects between states under existing mutual legal assistance and extradition arrangements, the operation of a truth commission in the state of territoriality may act as an obstacle to international cooperation. At the same time, requests for assistance from a third state pursuing prosecutions may impact negatively on the truth commission process in the requested state by inhibiting those reluctant to become involved in criminal proceedings from offering testimony. This article demonstrates a practical discord between these bodies when they operate in different states and questions whether they can truly be considered “complementary”.