138 resultados para Incarceration


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Environmental conscious design refers to variety of approaches in architecture design that covers technical, behavioural, and functional aspects (Goulding et al, 1992). These approaches usually include contradictory measures with social indicators (Sykes, 1995; Norton, 1999). The contradiction is magnified in incarceration architecture, which is very specific type of buildings (McConville, 2000). Prison buildings represent the split between the society requirements and the needs for the users, in this case the prisoners, to have comfortable environment. Energy as an ultimate natural resource reflects both the cost to the society, in terms of cooling/ heating load and the need for comfort and rehabilitation of prisoners (Al-Hosany and Elkadi, 2000). Different energy codes tend to control the thermal behaviour of buildings in certain environment in order to maximise their energy efficiency (e.g. CIBSE, 1999). In prison buildings, some of the main variables of such code are not relevant. While energy codes, for example, regulate the use of glass in buildings by either minimise the openings size (prescriptive criteria) or by determine an overall limit of heat transfer (performance criteria), the objective in prison buildings is to minimise glass areas for security purposes. This leads in turn to reduction in visual and comfort levels in prison cells. The aim of this paper is to address the balance between the society requirements of reducing energy consumption in prison buildings and the need for humane and comfortable environment for prisoners in order to maintain sustainability. The paper investigates the possible role of façade technologies to bridge the gap between requirements of both society and prisoners.

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This thesis explains why immigration detention persists as part of Australia's immigration policy. It argues that this form of incarceration has a long history in Australia, and that it fulfils specific social and political functions. The thesis also demonstrates that immigration detention is punitive and therefore breaches Australia's constitution.

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This article examines the history of four islands used for incarceration in Australia: the ‘secondary punishment’ of convicts on Norfolk Island; the management and quarantine of indigenous people on Palm Island; the quarantine of all new migrants and visitors on Bruny Island; and the incarceration of enemy aliens on Rottnest Island. Incarceration has been used throughout Australia’s history as a method of social and political control, targeting categories of people perceived to pose a threat to the racial composition, social cohesion, or national security of the Australian community. By providing a space both separate and invisible to the community, Australia’s carceral islands served as a solution to a recurring problem for a young nation apprehensive about the composition, durability and security of its community. The human consequences of incarceration could be devastating.

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Informal sentencing procedures in remote Indigenous communities of Australia have been occurring for some time, but it was in the late 1990s that formalization of the practice began in urban areas with the advent of Indigenous sentencing and circle courts. These circle courts emerged primarily to address the over-representation and incarceration of Indigenous people in the criminal justice system. The first Indigenous urban court was assembled in Port Adelaide, South Australia in June 1999 and was named the Nunga Court. Courts emerging since in other states are based on the Nunga Court model, although they have been adapted to suit local conditions. The practice of circle sentencing was introduced in New South Wales (NSW) in Nowra in February 2002.

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The 2012 killing of three French soldiers and four Jewish civilians by a 23-year-old petty criminal turned neojihadist simultaneously manifested some of contemporary French society's worst fears, namely the radicalisation of its youth and home-grown terrorism. The attacks were the final step in Mohamed Merah's radicalisation, a process influenced during his family, accelerated during his time in prison and nurtured by divides within French society. This article aims to shed light on his radicalisation by examining the social and familial milieux he grew up in and the impact incarceration had on his identity and beliefs. More broadly, this article will demonstrate how in a country where the ultra-Right's hijacking of the Republican notion of secularity or laïcité is leading to an increasingly divided society, neojihadism is providing some Muslim youth with an alternative source of identity.

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Australia has a substantial Vietnamese community, a consequence of the refugee exodus from Southeast Asia which followed the Communist victory in Vietnam in 1975. While Vietnamese Australians have contributed greatly to their host society, they are also stigmatised because of an association with the trade in illicit drugs, particularly heroin. Drug-related offending remains very high in Vietnamese Australian communities, with resultant high rates of incarceration and social exclusion. In its formative years the Vietnamese Australian community was faced with exclusion from economic and social opportunity, but was uniquely well-positioned as an ethnic enclave economy to take advantage of the growing demand for illicit drugs, especially heroin. I argue that the heroin trade had an effect analogous to ‘resource curse’, and has been a major source of continuing disadvantage and social harm to the Vietnamese Australian community.

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This paper reviews the significant challenges that are involved in the development of services for perpetrators of intimate partner violence who are in prison. It is suggested that difficulties in accurately identifying intimate partner violence, reliably assessing risk of re-offense, and in identifying offending behavior programs that meet the specific needs of prisoners have limited the development of services in this area. As a result it is argued that unique and complex victim related issues that arise during incarceration and post-release are not adequately recognized in current correctional assessment and case management systems. Four avenues for future research and service development in this area are identified, with a view to developing the role that correctional services have to play in preventing intimate partner violence.

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High incarceration rates of Aboriginal Western Australians leads to between 1800 and 2000 Aboriginal prisoners at any one time. Despite this little is written or noted in Australian peer reviewed academic literature about education provision to Aboriginal prisoners. "Closing the Gap: learning from and privileging Aboriginal voices to learn what helps and hinders educationin WA prisons" is a PhD project nearing submission. It has been conducted in partnership with the Deaths in Custody Watch Committee as we ll as with the support of a local community legalservice. The findings are relevant beyond a prison context.This paper specifically focuses on how understandings of the concept of productivity can differ. Itconsiders what might or might not be helpful in achieving productive educational and trainingoutcomes in Western Australian prisons for Indigenous individuals, families and communities. Itrelies heavily on the words of the author's teachers; the Aboriginal participants in the project alongside Indigenous authors and academics. The paper concludes by considering implications for developing and evaluating training programs in more flexible ways that respect diversity.

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An Aboriginal woman living in a remote area is 45 times more likely to experience domestic violence than their white peers. (Gordon et al, 2002) The nature of that violence is multi-layered, complex and incorporates a history of intergenerational loss, grief, trauma and the impact of colonisation, as discussed by Atkinson, C (2008). It involves women, children, families, communities. It is a story about people, many of whom find themselves in trouble with the legal system. Of the 25 male parents who killed their children in a domestic violence context five identified as Aboriginal (20%) (NSW Domestic Violence Death Review Team Annual Report, 2015, p.17). The percentage of women in Victorian prisons who have been victims of sexual, physical or emotional abuse has been reported to be 87% (Johnson, 2004). This figure is supported by the latest Ombudsman’s report on Victorian Prisons (2015).None of the 17 females who killed their children identified as Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander (NSW Domestic Violence Death Review Team Annual Report 2015, p.18). The most common charge/offence for both Aboriginal men and women is an act intended to cause injury (see Figure 2).The stories of women in this program and anecdotal evidence from people working in the field reveals that most of this violence is lateral, ie within families and communities which is not an uncommon occurrence where there is a history of colonisation.

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Victoria Nourse has observed that political debates about crime legislation are predictable and invariably one-sided because ‘no-one is “for” crime.’1 This certainly appears to be the case with regard to recent proposed changes to the Bail Act 1977 (‘the Act’) by the government of Victoria. The reforms were triggered by the case of Sean Price, an offender with a history of mental disorder, serious offending and lengthy incarceration who was on bail and subject to a supervision order when he murdered Masa Vukotic, raped another woman and assaulted a third person in March 2015. The Premier of Victoria, Daniel Andrews, stated that a bail system that allowed Price to be free and unmonitored was failing the community and pledged to repair ‘a system that is broken.’

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We make recommendations regarding how the United States cansignificantly lower its incarceration rate, while at the same time ensuring that community safety is not diminished. Moreover, we identify and recommend a consolidation and extension of the positive aspects of the current sentencing regime.

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The gradual increase of violence in Brazilian society has being resulting in a growing of the prison population over last years, as well as the proportion of women than men. The participation of women in crime and responsibilities within her family makes this phenomenon a growing social problem. Women prisoners are mostly young, in reproductive age, making pregnancy a recurrent situation while they are serving a sentence. The studies about female criminality are poor and not helpful about its real dimension, especially when targeted to women who experienced pregnancy in this environment. Given these considerations, this research had as its object of study the experience of women in prison during pregnancy: analyze the experience of women in prison during the gestational period. This is a descriptive and qualitative study. The data were sourced through a semi-structured interview with nine incarcerated women, between August and September 2011, who met the inclusion criteria previously established, and organized according to the precepts of content analysis according to Bardin. Through this coding and classification process became a central thematic: the experience of women in prison during pregnancy, resulting in three categories: category 1 interpersonal relationships; category 2 - feelings that permeate the pregnant woman in prison; and category 3 absence of health care to incarcerated pregnant. The data were analyzed according to the available literature and the study revealed that interpersonal relationships, maintained by these women in prison, were marked by distance from family members, primarily due to socioeconomic factors, being a challenge for addressing of pregnancy in prison and reports of abuse of power by employees working in the institution. The women, who experience pregnancy in prison are more likely to experience feelings of worry, doubts, sadness and fear for baby s health due to lack of antenatal care and about the prison environment structure to meet your needs. The health care aimed at these women is poor and often does not occur, endangering the baby s life and his own mother, this is being a troubling reality in public health system. Finally, it is expected that this study can give visibility to an issue rarely discussed in the literature and contribute to the construction of specific public policies for this reality, in order to minimize the effects of incarceration during pregnancy

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Taking from starting point the contact with the experience of a dancing body language group at Centro de Atenção Psicossocial (CAPS) II in Fortaleza-CE, aiming to investigate the relationship between what we denominate dancing-dispositive and the process of de-institutionalization of insanity. Based in the philosophy of difference and in the cartographic perspective, we used the concept of dispositive in order to make visible the lines that compose it and the way they tangle in the production of different ways of subjectivation through another form of expression using the body. We followed two fortnight groups of body language recording the conversations that took place in the beginning and in the end of the activities. We also recorded our informal talks with the workshopper, with the psychiatrist responsible for the course of formation of artists of CAPS and the choreographer who was part of the artistic formation of the workshopper aiming to elucidate the body, dance and art conceptions which guided such work. Finally, we interviewed some technicians and we participated of a meeting of the team aiming to understand how that activity was perceived. We observed that the use of certain conception of dance in the field of mental health is in consonance with the the Phychiatric Reform, since it provides another way of dealing with the body, different from that produced by the contention and by the discipline. Nevertheless, we understood that there is a risk that, in some moments, the group being more a place of normalization than one of experimenting other ways of relating with yourself and with the others. We also noted that the dancing-dispositive appears as an important analyzer of the connections established at CAPS, indicating a need of the service to be more opened to the production of new care and harboring strategies, breaking the mental health facility logic of incarceration of life which still persists in the quotidian of that institution

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The Brazilian democratic transition, still underway today, has run up against enormous difficulty in incorporating penal action. Or, put in yet stronger terms, we could say that the boundaries of democratization processes, delineated through the action of that sector of the State, reveal the possibility that the juridical field remains immune to democratizing change. Although prevailing discourse among law professionals asserts that Penal Justice is undergoing democratization, what we have observed in practice is a strong resistance within the juridical field to assuming political responsibilities within the consolidation of democracy. This article reports analyses and conclusions formulated through observation of the Brazilian penal justice system that gave origin to the thesis entitled Penal Justice in Brazil today: democratic discourse, authoritarian practice. The research sought to reflect on contemporary criminal justice policy, which has been guided by the widening of repression and the continued use of incarceration. Such policy, carried out in Brazil since the beginning of the 1985 political opening has adjusted itself to the liberal project that is also currently underway in the country, as well as in almost the entire Western capitalist world. As we can observe, Penal Justice, even during the execution of sentences, operates in authoritarian and exclusive ways, suppressing the rights guaranteed by law to those who have been sentenced and adopting extremely repressive forms as demonstrated by the extremely sparse benefits that it concedes. Thus, in Brazil, criminality has generally been responded through severe sentences, reflected in the absence of guarantees of constitutional rights and ample recourse to incarceration. In this vein, our contemporary democratic governments have frequently adopted a punitive stance that seeks to reaffirm the State's aptitudes for punishing and controlling criminality. © 2009 Revista de Sociologia e Política.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)