969 resultados para Human trafficking


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En este artículo se analiza el resurgimiento de talleres de costura clandestinos en grandes ciudades del centro y la periferia mundial, para entender los cambios dados en la industria de la moda durante las últimas cuatro décadas y sus consecuencias sobre los trabajadores. Para ello se realizaron dos estudios de caso: uno en la ciudad de Buenos Aires y otro en la provincia de Prato (Italia). Los resultados de esta investigación demuestran que este sector fue pionero en los procesos de reorganización industrial en la época neoliberal. En ambos estudios de caso, el cierre de fábricas y la utilización masiva de subcontratación a talleres urbanos informales tuvieron como consecuencias una significativa concentración de capital por un lado, y un marcado deterioro de las condiciones de trabajo por el otro. De hecho, la existencia de trata de personas y reducción a la servidumbre de miles de trabajadores inmigrantes es fundamental para el funcionamiento de esta industria

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En este artículo se analiza el resurgimiento de talleres de costura clandestinos en grandes ciudades del centro y la periferia mundial, para entender los cambios dados en la industria de la moda durante las últimas cuatro décadas y sus consecuencias sobre los trabajadores. Para ello se realizaron dos estudios de caso: uno en la ciudad de Buenos Aires y otro en la provincia de Prato (Italia). Los resultados de esta investigación demuestran que este sector fue pionero en los procesos de reorganización industrial en la época neoliberal. En ambos estudios de caso, el cierre de fábricas y la utilización masiva de subcontratación a talleres urbanos informales tuvieron como consecuencias una significativa concentración de capital por un lado, y un marcado deterioro de las condiciones de trabajo por el otro. De hecho, la existencia de trata de personas y reducción a la servidumbre de miles de trabajadores inmigrantes es fundamental para el funcionamiento de esta industria

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Thailand is the major destination for migrants in mainland Southeast Asia, and Myanmar (Burmese) migrants account for the dominant share. This paper sheds light on the actual working conditions and the life of Myanmar migrants in Thailand, based on our intensive survey in Ranong in southern Thailand in 2009. We found a wide range of serious problems that Myanmar migrants face in everyday life: very harsh working conditions, low income, heavy indebtedness, risk of being human-trafficking victims, harassment by the police and military (especially of sex workers), high risk of illness including malaria and HIV/AIDS and limited access to affordable medical facilities, and a poor educational environment for their children.

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For the first time in more than fifty years, the domestic and external conflicts in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) are not primarily ideological in nature. Democracy continues to thrive and its promise still inspires hope. In contrast, the illegal production, consumption, and trading of drugs – and its links to criminal gangs and organizations – represent major challenges to the region, undermining several States’ already weak capacity to govern. While LAC macroeconomic stability has remained resilient, illegal economies fill the region, often offering what some States have not historically been able to provide – elements of human security, opportunities for social mobility, and basic survival. Areas controlled by drug trafficking organizations (DTOs) are now found in Central America, Mexico, and the favelas of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, reflecting their competition for land routes and production areas. Cartels such as La Familia, Los Zetas, and Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC-Brazil), among others, operate like trade and financial enterprises that manage millions of dollars and resources, demonstrating significant business skills in adapting to changing circumstances. They are also merciless in their application of violence to preserve their lucrative enterprises. The El Salvador-Guatemala-Honduras triangle in Central America is now the most violent region in the world, surpassing regions in Africa that have been torn by civil strife for years. In Brazil’s favelas and Guatemala’s Petén region, the military is leaving the barracks again; not to rule, however, but to supplement and even replace the law enforcement capacity of weak and discredited police forces. This will challenge the military to apply lessons learned during the course of their experience in government, or from the civil wars that plagued the region for nearly 50 years during the Cold War. Will they be able to conduct themselves according to the professional ethics that have been inculcated over the past 20 years without incurring violations of human rights? Belief in their potential to do good is high according to many polls as the Armed Forces still enjoy a favorable perception in most societies, despite frequent involvement in corruption. Calling them to fight DTOs, however, may bring them too close to the illegal activities they are being asked to resist, or even rekindle the view that only a “strong hand” can resolve national troubles. The challenge of governance is occurring as contrasts within the region are becoming sharper. There is an increasing gap between nations positioned to surpass their “developing nation” status and those that are practically imploding as the judicial, political and enforcement institutions fall further into the quagmire of illicit activities. Several South American nations are advancing their political and economic development. Brazil in particular has realized macro-economic stability, made impressive gains in poverty reduction, and is on track to potentially become a significant oil producer. It is also an increasingly influential power, much closer to the heralded “emerging power” category that it aspired to for most of the 20th century. In contrast, several Central American States have become so structurally deficient, and have garnered such limited legitimacy, that their countries have devolved into patches of State controlled and non-State-controlled territory, becoming increasingly vulnerable to DTO entrenchment. In the Caribbean, the drug and human trafficking business also thrives. Small and larger countries are experiencing the growing impact of illicit economies and accompanying crime and violence. Among these, Guyana and Suriname face greater uncertainty, as they juggle both their internal affairs and their relations with Brazil and Venezuela. Cuba also faces new challenges as it continues focusing on internal rather than external affairs and attempts to ensure a stable leadership succession while simultaneously trying to reform its economy. Loosening the regime’s tight grip on the economy while continuing to curtail citizen’s civil rights will test the leadership’s ability to manage change and prevent a potential socio-economic crisis from turning into an existential threat. Cuba’s past ideological zest is now in the hands of Venezuela’s President Hugo Chavez, who continues his attempts to bring the region together under Venezuelan leadership ideologically based on a “Bolivarian” anti-U.S. banner, without much success. The environment and natural disasters will merit more attention in the coming years. Natural events will produce increasing scales of destruction as the States in the region fail to maintain and expand existing infrastructure to withstand such calamities and respond to their effects. Prospects for earthquakes, tsunamis, and hurricanes are high, particularly in the Caribbean. In addition, there are growing rates of deforestation in nearly every country, along with a potential increase in cross-sector competition for resources. The losers might be small farmers, due to their inability to produce quantities commensurate to larger conglomerates. Regulations that could mitigate these types of situations are lacking or openly violated with near impunity. Indigenous and other vulnerable populations, including African descendants, in several Andean countries, are particularly affected by the increasing extraction of natural resources taking place amongst their terrain. This has led to protests against extraction activities that negatively affect their livelihoods, and in the process, these historically underprivileged groups have transitioned from agenda-based organization to one that is bringing its claims and grievances to the national political agenda, becoming more politically engaged. Symptomatic of these social issues is the region’s chronically poor quality of education that has consistently failed to reduce inequality and prepare new generations for jobs in the competitive global economy, particularly the more vulnerable populations. Simultaneously, the educational deficit is also exacerbated by the erosion of access to information and freedom of the press. The international panorama is also in flux. New security entities are challenging the old establishment. The Union of South American Nations, The South American Defense Council, the socialist Bolivarian Alliance, and other entities seem to be defying the Organization of American States and its own defense mechanisms, and excluding the U.S. And the U.S.’s attention to areas in conflict, namely Iraq, Afghanistan, and Pakistan – rather than to the more stable Latin America and Caribbean – has left ample room for other actors to elbow in. China is now the top trading partner for Brazil. Russian and Iran are also finding new partnerships in the region, yet their links appear more politically inclined than those of China. Finally, the aforementioned increasing commercial ties by LAC States with China have accelerated a return to the preponderance of commodities as sources of income for their economies. The increased extraction of raw material for export will produce greater concern over the environmental impact that is created by the exploitation of natural resources. These expanded trade opportunities may prove counterproductive economically for countries in the region, particularly for Brazil and Chile, two countries whose economic policies have long sought diversification from dependence on commodities to the development of service and technology based industries.

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Sex sells. A lot. But who exactly is on the market?

What kinds of bodies are calibrated for traffic and consumption, and how exactly do they get there? When it comes to “sex” trafficking—which comprises a minority percentage of human trafficking, yet dominates the moral imagination as an “especially heinous” crime—the rise in predominantly white, evangelical Christian American interest in the trafficked subject galvanizes an ethical outrage that rarely observes critiques of race, ethnicity, sexuality or class as conditions of possibility. Though a nuanced mandate to fight trafficking is all but cemented in the contemporary American political and moral conscience, Virgin Territory accounts for the ways Christian ideas of purity annex both gender and sexuality inside the legacies of racialized colonial encounter, and foreground the market expansion of the global sex trade as it exists today.

In Part I, I argue that the narratives of virginity tied to Mary’s body simultaneously foregrounded the gendered, sexed Other as sparked disdain for the religious Other, for the Jewish body and for Mary’s Jewish identity. Through this analysis I explore the connections of racial identity to the Christian theological elision of Jewish election. I demonstrate how the questions of sexual ethics materialized at the site of the Virgin Mary, and align the moral attachments of sex and purity in the production of whiteness. These machinations, tied to the emerging European identity of empire, irrupt horrifically into the narrative ontology of dark flesh in Africa, Asia, and the Americas.

In Part II, I highlight the function of these narratives inside of the moments of colonial encounter, demonstrating how the logics of purity and virginity were directly applied to manage dark female flesh. I map the visual iconography of the Black Madonna first through a Dutch painting entitled The Rape of the Negress. I read this image through the social theological imagination instantiating the idea of the reprobate body and white imperial gaze. This analysis foregrounds a theological reading of Sarah Baartman, the “Hottentot Venus,” as the center of a complex sex trafficking investigation, outlining the genealogy of race, as well as the ideologies of the racial, ethnic and national Other, as mitigating factors in the conditions of possibility of a global sex trade. By restoring these narratives and their theological undertones, I reiterate the ways Christian thought is imbricated in the global sex trade, and propose theological strategies for rethinking humanitarian responses to sex trafficking.

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© 2014, Midwest Political Science Association.The ability to monitor state behavior has become a critical tool of international governance. Systematic monitoring allows for the creation of numerical indicators that can be used to rank, compare, and essentially censure states. This article argues that the ability to disseminate such numerical indicators widely and instantly constitutes an exercise of social power, with the potential to change important policy outputs. It explores this argument in the context of the United States' efforts to combat trafficking in persons and find evidence that monitoring has important effects: Countries are more likely to criminalize human trafficking when they are included in the U.S. annual Trafficking in Persons Report, and countries that are placed on a "watch list" are also more likely to criminalize. These findings have broad implications for international governance and the exercise of soft power in the global information age.

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This paper examines recent legislative developments in Northern Ireland around Lord Morrow’s Human Trafficking & Exploitation (Further Provisions and Support for Victims) Bill that was passed unanimously in the Northern Ireland Assembly and which uniquely in the United Kingdom now makes it a criminal offence to pay for sexual services. I suggest that issues around sex trafficking, sexual slavery and prostitution in Northern Ireland bear all the hallmarks of Stan Cohen’s famous articulation of a moral panic (Cohen 1972) but also argue that his original for- mulation needs to be recast slightly to take account of the horizontal structuring of moral panics in contemporary society.

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In recent years, the EU and its member states have experienced a number of changes, as well as challenges, in the areas of politics, economics, security and law. As these areas are interconnected, changes and challenges to any of them have implications for the others, as well as implications for the populations and institutions of the EU or those coming into contact with its international power and influence. This edited collection focuses primarily on security and law, particularly the EU’s internal security strategy. The EU’s Internal Security Strategy, adopted by the Spanish presidency early in 2010, followed the Lisbon Treaty in 2009, building on previous developments within the EU in the Area of Freedom Security and Justice (AFSJ) policy. The focus of the EU Internal Security Strategy is to prevent and combat “serious and organised crime, terrorism and cybercrime, in strengthening the management of our external borders and in building resilience to natural and man-made disasters”. The Internal Security strategy intersects and overlaps with the European Union’s Counter-terrorism strategy, the Strategy for the External Dimension of JHA, and the EU’s Security Strategy. The role of and interaction between these strategies, their supplementing documents, and their implications for crime, victims, the law, political relations, democracy and human rights, form the backdrop against which the chapters in this collection are written. Building on original research by its contributors, this collection comprises work by authors from a wide variety of academic and professional areas and perspectives, as well as different countries, on a variety of areas and issues related to or raised by the EU’s Internal Security Strategy, from intelligence-led policing to human trafficking and port security. This book examines, from a wide variety of disciplinary perspectives including law, geography, politics and practice, both this further refinement of existing internal provisions on cross-border crime, and the increasing external relations of the EU in the AFSJ.

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El artículo presenta los resultados de una investigación que identificó vídeos online que abordan la trata de personas, sus modalidades y características, con el fin de utilizarlos en procesos de socialización que permitan aumentar el conocimiento del fenómeno y promover su prevención en víctimas potenciales. Como resultado, se clasifican y describen los audiovisuales. Se encontró que la trata asociada a la explotación sexual es la más abordada, por lo que es necesario aumentar la investigación y producción de piezas que den a conocer las otras modalidades. Finalmente, se brindan criterios para abordar la trata de personas en procesos comunicativos, especialmente, con el objetivo de romper estereotipos arraigados sobre esta problemática y evitar errores informativos que pueden llevar a la revictimización.

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La trata de personas es una acción ilegal presente en todomundo, incluso en Brasil. El Protocolo de las Naciones Unidascontra la Trata de Personas fue ratificado por Brasil en 2004. Apesar de esto, aún la evolución normativa del país no ha sidosignificativa. Este artículo busca analizar la protección normativaexistente y futura a las víctimas, especialmente extranjeras, detrata de personas en Brasil. Así, inicialmente se presenta lo que secomprende como trata de personas, con base en el Protocolo delas Naciones Unidas para prevenir, reprimir y sancionar la trata depersonas, especialmente mujeres y niños, y son apuntadas algunasconsideraciones sobre la realidad de la trata de personas en elmundo y en Brasil. En la secuencia son presentadas las medidasde protección a las víctimas, y previstas en el Protocolo de lasNaciones Unidas. Por último, son enumeradas y analizadas lasacciones normativas existentes y los proyectos de ley que puedencambiar esta realidad. La conclusión del estudio indica que Brasilaún tiene una débil protección para las víctimas extranjeras detrata de personas, pero hay una perspectiva optimista de mejoríacon los proyectos de ley que tramitan en el Congreso Nacional.

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O presente relatório, inserido no Mestrado em Gestão do Território, Área de Especialização em Deteção Remota e Sistemas de Informação Geográfica, lecionado pelo Departamento de Geografia e Planeamento Regional da Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas da Universidade Nova de Lisboa, pretende descrever o trabalho desenvolvido pelo mestrando enquanto estagiário no Observatório do Tráfico de Seres Humanos (OTSH). O relatório está estruturado em três capítulos distintos. No primeiro capítulo é realizada uma abordagem teórica sobre o Tráfico de Seres Humanos e a distinção entre o mesmo com o Auxílio à Imigração Ilegal. Neste, é também feita uma pequena referência à problemática dos novos fluxos de refugiados/migrantes que, no momento da realização do mesmo, constituem uma questão bastante complexa sobretudo ao nível europeu. No segundo capítulo é realizada uma caracterização da área de estudo, assim como a descrição dos dados utilizados e a metodologia aplicada no mesmo. No terceiro capítulo são apresentados os resultados finais do estudo e a cartografia de síntese que sustenta os mesmos. Para a realização deste estudo recorreu-se a uma análise multicritério em SIG para prever a localização de áreas de maior suscetibilidade de ocorrência de novos casos relativos ao crime do tráfico de seres humanos para exploração laboral na agricultura, na região do Alentejo (distritos de Beja, Évora e Portalegre), através do recurso a dados estatísticos disponibilizados tanto pelo OTSH, como por outras entidades. A metodologia apresentada integra um SIG baseado num modelo raster com o Analytical Hierarchy Process (AHP). Através da realização deste estudo, a importância dos SIG como ferramenta no auxílio ao processo de tomada de decisão, pôde ser testada, conjuntamente com o processo metodológico AHP, através dos resultados apresentados. Com um possível desenvolvimento deste modelo analítico, pretende-se que o mesmo seja adaptável a outras regiões e em última instância, outros tipos de exploração e/ou tráfico.

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Con el fin de la unipolaridad no sólo se fortalecieron mecanismos de gobernanza global como los Regímenes Internacionales, sino también se fortalecieron actores no estatales. A pesar de la importancia que tomaron estos dos elementos aún no existe una teoría que explique exhaustivamente la relación que existe entre ellos. Es por lo anterior que, la investigación busca responder de qué manera el rol de las Redes de Apoyo Transnacional ha incidido en la evolución del régimen de tráfico de personas en la Región del Mekong. Asimismo tiene como objetivo comprender las relación entre el Régimen y las Redes de Apoyo Transnacional a través de la formulación de un caso de estudio basado en metodologías cualitativas, específicamente, en el análisis teórico-constructivista y el análisis de contenido de documentos producidos por actores estatales y no estatales.

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El presente estudio de caso tiene como objetivo analizar los retos frente al cumplimiento del Protocolo de Palermo, en materia de explotación sexual, en el Sistema Institucional Colombiano, durante el período comprendido entre los años 2003 y 2014. De manera preliminar se indica que dichos retos son político-jurídicos en cuanto a la manera en la que se cumplen los tratados internacionales, las obligaciones derivadas de ellos y quiénes tienen competencia para desarrollar los mandatos contenidos en los mismos. Igualmente existen retos institucionales y organizacionales pues Colombia carece de una estructura organizacional clara y la coordinación inter-agencial es escasa en materia de trata. En este sentido, esta investigación tiene un enfoque multidisciplinar, puesto que combina aspectos propios tanto del Derecho Internacional Público como de las Relaciones Internacionales. Para ello, se hará un análisis cualitativo por medio del análisis de datos y de literatura académica respecto a la trata de personas en Colombia, con el fin de lograr comprender con mayor precisión el panorama actual del país respecto al flagelo.

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El presente estudio de caso tiene como principal objetivo el de analizar la manera como las características sociopolíticas de los Estados del Mekong, específicamente en el caso de Camboya y Myanmar, dificultan la implementación de las normas enunciadas en el Protocolo de las Naciones Unidas para Prevenir, Reprimir y Sancionar la Trata de Personas, Especialmente Mujeres y Niños, también conocido como el Protocolo de Palermo. En este sentido, se parte de las características principales del Protocolo y de la manera como el tráfico de personas se presenta en el Mekong para posteriormente analizar la forma como la corrupción, la impunidad y la desigualdad de género representan retos sociopolíticos que obstruyen la implementación de los mandatos internacionales enmarcados en este instrumento

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El presente estudio de caso busca examinar la incidencia de las medidas migratorias de control fronterizo implementadas por el Frontex y el gobierno Italiano en las condiciones mínimas de supervivencia de los migrantes irregulares, económicos y solicitantes de asilo en la Isla de Lampedusa, en el periodo 2011-2015. De esta manera, se identifican las medidas migratorias de control fronterizo implementadas por Frontex y el gobierno Italiano. Se examina la situación de la seguridad humana en la crisis migratoria de la Isla, y se analiza la relación entre las medidas migratorias de control fronterizo y las condiciones mínimas de supervivencia de los migrantes. El resultado de la investigación permite plasmar, las consecuencias negativas que han tenido las medidas migratorias en cuanto a las condiciones mínimas de supervivencia, lo que ha desembocado en una crisis humanitaria.