102 resultados para Guerrillas.


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La literatura de María Teresa León está basada en sus recuerdos. En su largo exilio 'gran parte en tierras argentinas', María Teresa escribió para resistir y no olvidar de los compañeros caídos en la guerra civil española. Con la finalidad de recorrer los caminos de esta memoria, analizaremos brevemente estos tres momentos (historias leídas, historias escenificadas e historia vivida) en tres de sus obras: Doña Jímena Díaz de Vívar - Gran Señora de todos los deberes, Juego Limpio y Memoria de la Melancolía, respectivamente. En Doña Jímena Díaz de Vívar, María Teresa narra la historia desde la perspectiva de aquel que se queda esperando al exiliado héroe, recordando las lecturas hechas en la casa de los tíos Menéndez Pidal, ya en Juego Limpio, las memorias vividas con el grupo de cómicos de las Guerrillas del Teatro durante la guerra civil de España, va a tratar de los esfuerzos en nombre del arte. Concluyendo el ciclo, su magistral obra Memoria de la Melancolía, donde están centradas todas las historias desde su punto de vista. María Teresa utiliza sus memorias para contar una historia verdadera desde su perspectiva, pues tenía la conciencia de que la historia no se cuenta de un modo, solamente

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La guerra en Guatemala ha tendido a ser escrita como un conflicto entre grupos armados: guerrillas y ejército nacional. En este ensayo se busca complejizar esta visión para repensar los intensos años de lucha entre 1978 y 1983. Para esto el escrito se centra en el creciente choque entre la producción y propiedad terrateniente, finquera, y los distintos modos de sobrevivencia y resistencia indígena en el país. Esto entendido dentro de la posición estratégica del país donde, para Estados Unidos, Guatemala debía ser modelo estatal de contrainsurgencia y anticomunismo a nivel latinoamericano. De manera que la guerra estatal y finquera contra las comunidades es, a la vez, un momento del enfrentamiento del capital contra la insubordinación mundial

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La literatura de María Teresa León está basada en sus recuerdos. En su largo exilio 'gran parte en tierras argentinas', María Teresa escribió para resistir y no olvidar de los compañeros caídos en la guerra civil española. Con la finalidad de recorrer los caminos de esta memoria, analizaremos brevemente estos tres momentos (historias leídas, historias escenificadas e historia vivida) en tres de sus obras: Doña Jímena Díaz de Vívar - Gran Señora de todos los deberes, Juego Limpio y Memoria de la Melancolía, respectivamente. En Doña Jímena Díaz de Vívar, María Teresa narra la historia desde la perspectiva de aquel que se queda esperando al exiliado héroe, recordando las lecturas hechas en la casa de los tíos Menéndez Pidal, ya en Juego Limpio, las memorias vividas con el grupo de cómicos de las Guerrillas del Teatro durante la guerra civil de España, va a tratar de los esfuerzos en nombre del arte. Concluyendo el ciclo, su magistral obra Memoria de la Melancolía, donde están centradas todas las historias desde su punto de vista. María Teresa utiliza sus memorias para contar una historia verdadera desde su perspectiva, pues tenía la conciencia de que la historia no se cuenta de un modo, solamente

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During the first Kibaki administration (2002-2007), a movement by the former Mau Mau fighters demanded recognition for the role that they had played in the achievement of independence. They began to demand, also, monetary compensation for past injustices. Why had it taken over 40 years (from independence in 1963) for the former Mau Mau fighters to initiate this movement? What can be observed as the outcome of their movement? To answer these questions, three different historical currents need to be taken into account. These were, respectively, changing trends in the government of Kenya, progress in historical research into the actual circumstances of colonial control, and a realization, based on mounting experience, that launching a legal action against Britain could turn out to be a lucrative initiative. This paper concludes that, regardless of the actual purpose of the legal case, neither of their objectives was certain to be achieved. Two inescapable realities remain: the doubts cast on the reputation of the government by its decision to lift the Mau Mau‟s outlaw status – a decision that was widely seen as a latter-day example of the „Kikuyu favouritism‟ policy followed by the first Kibaki administration – and the popular interpretation of the involvement of Leigh Day, well known in Kenya ever since the unexploded bombs case for its success in obtaining substantial compensation payments, as a vehicle for squeezing large amounts of money from the British government for the benefit of the Kikuyu people.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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Encuadernado con : La soirée de Cachupin / Ramón de Navarrete y Landa - El mártir de la duda / Eduardo Navarro y Gonzalvo y Juan Rodríguez Rubí - Luisa / Julián Castellanos - Sombras chinescas / Eduardo Navarro Gonzalvo - Fuego en guerrillas / Calisto Navarro y Salvador María Granés - El número 7 / Santiago Infante de Palacios - Una pecadora / Juan Belza - El suicida / Antonio Mencia y Echeverría - ¡La buena alhaja! / Emilio Mozo de Rosales - El puente de Alcolea / José Julián Cabero - No hay mal que por bien no venga / Joaquín Estébanez - Belenes / Eduardo de Lustonó - Por un bautizo / Pedro María Barrera - El amor en comandita / Juan Rodríguez Rubí - San Jorge por Aragón / Pedro Escamilla - Bodas ocultas / Antonio Mencia y Echeverría - De la muerte a la vida / Ramón Franquelo - Un tenorio moderno / José María Nogués - ¡Buena boda! / Juan José Herranz - Un alcalde constitucional / Manuel Nogueras - Lo positivo / Joaquín Estébanez.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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Photocopy.

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In foreground left to right: Camantigue Bandholtz, Abad, Roque, King, Castaneda, Bugarin

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This paper explores alterations in social dynamics caused by coca crops in Curvaradó and Jiguamiandó, at Choco department in the Colombian Pacific region. The research analyzes the role of armed actors such as paramilitaries and guerrillas in the conformation of new social spaces where local people find resistance as the main tool to survive in chaotic environments. Local power as a politics of resistance is also analyzed. Non-governmental organizations are a key tool to comprehend new social configurations. By doing the analysis and comparison using political ecology as the theoretical background along with concepts of moral economy and everyday resistance, with qualitative research methods. The paper aims to interpret and provide a better understanding of those changes considering social-environmental relations. Findings suggest that those changes in social structure are leading to an understanding, not just of the organization of the area, but also that social dynamics and coca crops cannot be generalized in the country. 

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Access to the Internet has grown exponentially in Latin America over the past decade. The International Telecommunications Union (ITU) estimates that in 2009 there were 144.5 million Internet users in South America, 6.4 million in Central America, and 8.2 million in the Caribbean, or a total 159.2 million users in all of Latin America.1 At that time, ITU reported an estimated 31 million Internet users in Mexico, which would bring the overall number of users in Latin America to 190.2 million people. More recent estimates published by Internet World Stats place Internet access currently at an estimated 204.6 million out of a total population of 592.5 million in the region (this figure includes Mexico).2 According to those figures, 34.5 per cent of the Latin American population now enjoys Internet access. In recent years, universal access policies contributed to the vast increase in digital literacy and Internet use in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, and Costa Rica. Whereas the latter was the first country in the region to adopt a policy of universal access, the most expansive and successful digital inclusion programs in the region have taken hold in Brazil and Chile. These two countries have allocated considerable resources to the promotion of digital literacy and Internet access among low income and poor populations; in both cases, civil society groups significantly assisted in the promotion of inclusion at the grassroots level. Digital literacy and Internet access have come to represent, particularly in the area of education, a welcome complementary resource for populations chronically underserved in nations with a long-standing record of inadequate public social services. Digital inclusion is vastly expanding throughout the region, thanks to stabilizing economies, increasingly affordable technology, and the rapid growth in the supply of cellular mobile telephony. A recent study by the global advertising agency Razorfish revealed significant shifts in the demographics of digital inclusion in the major economies of South America, where Web access is rapidly increasing amid the lower middle class and the working poor.3 Several researchers have suggested that Internet access will bring about greater civic participation and engagement, although skeptics remain unsure this could happen in Latin America. Yet, there have been some recent instances of political mobilization facilitated through the use of the Web and social media applications, starting in Chile when “smart mobs” nationwide demonstrated against former Chilean President Michelle Bachelet when she failed to enact education reforms in May 2006. The Internet has also been used by marginalized groups and by guerrillas groups to highlight their stories. In sum, Internet access in Latin is no longer a medium restricted to the elite. It is rather a public sphere upon which civil society has staked its claim. Some of the examples noted in this study point toward a developing trend whereby civil society, through online grassroots movements, is able to effectively pressure public officials, instill transparency and demand accountability in government. Access to the Internet has also made it possible for voices on the margins to participate in the conversation in a way that was never previously feasible. 1 International Telecommunications Union [ITU], “Information Technology Public & Report,” accessed May 15, 2011, http://www.itu.int/. 2 Internet World Stats, “Internet Usage Statistics for the Americas,” accessed March 24, 2011, http://www.internetworldstats.com/stats2.htm 3 J. Crump, “The finch and the fox,” London, UK (2010), http://www.slideshare.net/razorfishmarketing/the-finch-and-the-fox.

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A partir de un análisis temático inductivo, este artículo explora la visión ciudadana sobre la esfera pública expresada en las cartas de los lectores de los diarios El Tiempo y El Heraldo de Colombia. Los resultados muestran cómo la identidad colectiva de los lectores apareció en forma transversal en las cartas, para dar cuenta de una comunidad de adultos que se autodefine como “colombianos de bien”. El análisis reveló dos unidades de significado: posturas sobre la administración de lo público y antagonismos en la esfera pública, centrada en el conflicto político con las guerrillas. A través de estas se pudieron hacer visibles los llamamientos vívidos de los lectores al gobierno, funcionarios públicos, actores al margen de la ley y a sus compatriotas, para movilizarse para exigir cambios sociales largamente esperados.

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This article considers the opportunities of civilians to peacefully resist violent conflicts or civil wars. The argument developed here is based on a field-based research on the peace community San José de Apartadó in Colombia. The analytical and theoretical framework, which delimits the use of the term ‘resistance’ in this article, builds on the conceptual considerations of Hollander and Einwohner (2004) and on the theoretical concept of ‘rightful resistance’ developed by O’Brien (1996). Beginning with a conflict-analytical classification of the case study, we will describe the long-term socio-historical processes and the organizational experiences of the civilian population, which favoured the emergence of this resistance initiative. The analytical approach to the dimensions and aims of the resistance of this peace community leads to the differentiation of O`Brian’s concept of ‘rightful resistance’.

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L’étude du “brigandage lusitanien” a donné lieu à une importante activité de recherche depuis la fin du XIXe siècle. Pour autant, et malgré une inflexion progressive de l’historiographie moderne vers une approche plus nuancée de l’origine du phénomène, le problème de la terre reste encore aujourd’hui au centre des préoccupations de nombre d’historiens et archéologiques. À partir d’une discussion serrée des principaux passages de Tite-Live, Diodore et surtout Appien, relatifs à la relation que d’aucuns ont voulu établir entre manque et/ou pauvreté de la terre et développement du brigandage chez les Lusitaniens, il est proposé une critique de l’interprétation socio-économique.