190 resultados para Greeks


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The class of all Exponential-Polynomial-Trigonometric (EPT) functions is classical and equal to the Euler-d’Alembert class of solutions of linear differential equations with constant coefficients. The class of non-negative EPT functions defined on [0;1) was discussed in Hanzon and Holland (2010) of which EPT probability density functions are an important subclass. EPT functions can be represented as ceAxb, where A is a square matrix, b a column vector and c a row vector where the triple (A; b; c) is the minimal realization of the EPT function. The minimal triple is only unique up to a basis transformation. Here the class of 2-EPT probability density functions on R is defined and shown to be closed under a variety of operations. The class is also generalised to include mixtures with the pointmass at zero. This class coincides with the class of probability density functions with rational characteristic functions. It is illustrated that the Variance Gamma density is a 2-EPT density under a parameter restriction. A discrete 2-EPT process is a process which has stochastically independent 2-EPT random variables as increments. It is shown that the distribution of the minimum and maximum of such a process is an EPT density mixed with a pointmass at zero. The Laplace Transform of these distributions correspond to the discrete time Wiener-Hopf factors of the discrete time 2-EPT process. A distribution of daily log-returns, observed over the period 1931-2011 from a prominent US index, is approximated with a 2-EPT density function. Without the non-negativity condition, it is illustrated how this problem is transformed into a discrete time rational approximation problem. The rational approximation software RARL2 is used to carry out this approximation. The non-negativity constraint is then imposed via a convex optimisation procedure after the unconstrained approximation. Sufficient and necessary conditions are derived to characterise infinitely divisible EPT and 2-EPT functions. Infinitely divisible 2-EPT density functions generate 2-EPT Lévy processes. An assets log returns can be modelled as a 2-EPT Lévy process. Closed form pricing formulae are then derived for European Options with specific times to maturity. Formulae for discretely monitored Lookback Options and 2-Period Bermudan Options are also provided. Certain Greeks, including Delta and Gamma, of these options are also computed analytically. MATLAB scripts are provided for calculations involving 2-EPT functions. Numerical option pricing examples illustrate the effectiveness of the 2-EPT approach to financial modelling.

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El artículo muestra la importancia de la amistad en el contexto de la filosofía política aristotélica. Esta importancia se verifica en su peso específico en comparación con la justicia, puesto que Aristóteles mismo sostiene que la amistad cívica es incluso un objetivo superior al de la búsqueda de la justicia. En concreto, el artículo se centra en la función de la concordia, como tipo especial de amistad cívica, en términos de conservación de la unidad y estabilidad de la polis. Para captar su significación, se plantea el papel de la concordia como complemento a la condición política del ser humano. La concordia es necesaria a la luz de la tendencia a la lucha entre las partes de la ciudad, entre el demos y los oligarcas. Puesto que esta lucha pone en peligro la continuidad de la polis, la concordia entre ciudadanos se convierte en un antecedente privilegiado del principio de fraternidad republicana, el cual todavía no ha gozado de una atención suficiente en el campo de la historia de la filosofía política.

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The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.

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Les romans grecs et les Métamorphoses d'Apulée - même si les modalités sont différentes pour ce dernier - sont des fictions en prose qui fonctionnent autour de topoi auxquels la figure de l'Autre n'échappe pas. Bien que le monde grec soit alors radicalement différent de ce qu'il était au Ve siècle avant J.-C, période à laquelle l'identité grecque est construite par opposition à la figure du barbare, les romanciers qui prennent la plume à partir du 1er siècle avant notre ère utilisent un certain nombre de stéréotypes hérités de l'époque classique, alors mise à l'honneur par le mouvement de la Seconde Sophistique. Il s'agit d'étudier dans le détail certains éléments de la représentation de l'Autre pour déterminer qui il est, comment il se comporte, ce qui le constitue en Autre. Puis, à partir de cette esquisse, nécessairement incomplète, d'évaluer ce que cette représentation peut induire sur l'image de l'identité grecque à l'époque impériale, par le jeu de miroir que F. Hartog a décelé dans l'oeuvre d'Hérodote. Une première partie est consacrée aux rapports entre l'homme et l'animal ainsi qu'à l'image de la sauvagerie, ce qui permet d'explorer les bornes romanesques de l'humanité. La seconde partie s'attache à des éléments que l'époque classique a plus particulièrement mis en avant pour distinguer les Grecs des non-Grecs : le critère de la langue, l'art de faire la guerre et le discours politique qui est tenu sur les institutions barbares. La troisième partie étudie la place des dieux et des pratiques religieuses dans la définition de l'Autre. J'espère ainsi contribuer à la compréhension du genre romanesque et des représentations culturelles de l'empire « gréco-romain ». -- The Greek novels and The Metamorphoses of Apuleius, even if it is in different terms for the last, are prose fictions which are based on topoi, and the figure of the Other is one of them. Although the Greek world was radically different of what it was in the fifth century BC, time during which Greek identity is contructed as opposed to the figure of the barbaros, the authors of novels, who wrote from the first century BC onward, used some stereotypes inherited from classical period, which was celebrated by the Second Sophistic movement. The aim of this thesis is to study in detail some elements of the representation of the Other to determine who it is, how he behaves, what makes him other. Then, from this sketch, necessarily incomplete, to evaluate what this representation says about the image of Greek identity in the imperial age, according to the play of the mirror detected by F. Hartog in the text of Herodotus. The first part of the thesis is dedicated to the relationship between man and animal and to the image of savagery, in order to explore the novelistic limits of humanity. The second part concentrates on elements that classical period had particularly insisted on to promote the distinction between Greeks and non-Greeks : the linguistic criterion, the way to make war, and the politic discourse on the barbaric institutions. The third part study the place of the gods and of religious practices in the definition of the Other. I hope to contribute to the understanding of novel genre and of cultural representations of the « greco- roman- empire ».

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I will argue that the doctrine of eternal recurrence of the same no better interprets cosmology than pink elephants interpret zoology. I will also argue that the eternal-reiurn-of-the-same doctrine as what Magnus calls "existential imperative" is without possibility of application and thus futile. To facilitate those arguments, the validity of the doctrine of the eternal recurrence of the same will be tested under distinct rubrics. Although each rubric will stand alone, one per chapter, as an evaluation of some specific aspect of eternal recurrence, the rubric sequence has been selected to accommodate the identification of what I shall be calling logic abridgments. The conclusions to be extracted from each rubric are grouped under the heading CONCLUSION and appear immediately following rubric ten. Then, or if, at the end of a rubric a reader is inclined to wonder which rubric or topic is next, and why, the answer can be found at the top of the following page. The question is usually answered in the very first sentence, but always answered in the first paragraph. The first rubric has been placed in order by chronological entitlement in that it deals with the evolution of the idea of eternal recurrence from the time of the ancient Greeks to Nietzsche's August, 1881 inspiration. This much-recommended technique is also known as starting at the beginning. Rubric 1 also deals with 20th. Century philosophers' assessments of the relationship between Nietzsche and ancient Greek thought. The only experience of E-R, Zarathustra's mountain vision, is second only because it sets the scene alluded to in following rubrics. The third rubric explores .ii?.ih T jc,i -I'w Nietzsche's evaluation of rationality so that his thought processes will be understood appropriately. The actual mechanism of E-R is tested in rubric four...The scientific proof Nietzsche assembled in support of E-R is assessed by contemporary philosophers in rubric five. E-R's function as an ethical imperative is debated in rubrics six and seven.. .The extent to which E-R fulfills its purpose in overcoming nihilism is measured against the comfort assured by major world religions in rubric eight. Whether E-R also serves as a redemption for revenge is questioned in rubric nine. Rubric ten assures that E-R refers to return of the identically same and not merely the similar. In addition to assemblage and evaluation of all ten rubrics, at the end of each rubric a brief recapitulation of its principal points concludes the chapter. In this essay I will assess the theoretical conditions under which the doctrine cannot be applicable and will show what contradictions and inconsistencies follow if the doctrine is taken to be operable. Harold Alderman in his book Nietzsche's Gift wrote, the "doctrine of eternal recurrence gives us a problem not in Platonic cosmology, but in Socratic selfreflection." ^ I will illustrate that the recurrence doctrine's cosmogony is unworkable and that if it were workable, it would negate self-reflection on the grounds that selfreflection cannot find its cause in eternal recurrence of the same. Thus, when the cosmology is shown to be impossible, any expected ensuing results or benefits will be rendered also impossible. The so-called "heaviest burden" will be exposed as complex, engrossing "what if speculations deserving no linkings to reality. To identify ^Alderman p. 84 abridgments of logic, contradictions and inconsistencies in Nietzsche's doctrine of eternal recurrence of the same, I. will examine the subject under the following schedule. In Chapter 1 the ancient origins of recurrence theories will be introduced. ..This chapter is intended to establish the boundaries within which the subsequent chapters, except Chapter 10, will be confined. Chapter 2, Zarathustra's vision of E-R, assesses the sections of Thus Spoke Zarathustra in which the phenomenon of recurrence of the same is reported. ..Nihilism as a psychological difficulty is introduced in this rubric, but that subject will be studied in detail in Chapter 8. In Chapter 2 the symbols of eternal recurrence of the same will be considered. Whether the recurrence image should be of a closed ring or as a coil will be of significance in many sections of my essay. I will argue that neither symbolic configuration can accommodate Nietzsche's supposed intention. Chapter 3 defends the description of E-R given by Zarathustra. Chapter 4, the cosmological mechanics of E-R, speculates on the seriousness with which Nietzsche might have intended the doctrine of eternal recurrence to be taken. My essay reports, and then assesses, the argument of those who suppose the doctrine to have been merely exploratory musings by Nietzsche on cosmological hypotheses...The cosmogony of E-R is examined. In Chapter 5, cosmological proofs tested, the proofs for Nietzsche's doctrine of return of the same are evaluated. This chapter features the position taken by Martin ' Heidegger. My essay suggests that while Heidegger's argument that recurrence of the same is a genuine cosmic agenda is admirable, it is not at all persuasive. Chapter 6, E-R is an ethical imperative, is in essence the reporting of a debate between two scholars regarding the possibility of an imperative in the doctrine of recurrence. Their debate polarizes the arguments I intend to develop. Chapter 7, does E-R of the same preclude alteration of attitudes, is a continuation of the debate presented in Chapter 6 with the focus shifted to the psychological from the cosmological aspects of eternal recurrence of the same. Chapter 8, Can E-R Overcome Nihilism?, is divided into two parts. In the first, nihilism as it applies to Nietzsche's theory is discussed. ..In part 2, the broader consequences, sources and definitions of nihilism are outlined. My essay argues that Nietzsche's doctrine is more nihilistic than are the world's major religions. Chapter 9, Is E-R a redemption for revenge?, examines the suggestion extracted from Thus Spoke Zarathustra that the doctrine of eternal recurrence is intended, among other purposes, as a redemption for mankind from the destructiveness of revenge. Chapter 10, E-R of the similar refuted, analyses a position that an element of chance can influence the doctrine of recurrence. This view appears to allow, not for recurrence of the same, but recurrence of the similar. A summary will recount briefly the various significant logic abridgments, contradictions, and inconsistencies associated with Nietzsche's doctrine of eternal recurrence of the same. In the 'conclusion' section of my essay my own opinions and observations will be assembled from the body of the essay.

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Herodotus' logos represents many examples ofthe relationship between political and paradigmatic authority, and the synthesis ofthese examples in a community characterized by free and equal speech. Herodotus' walkabout narrator sets forth an inquiry into knowledge-seeking he extends the isegoria principle from Athenian politics to the broader world. The History demonstrates (a) various modes of constructing meaning, (b) interacting notions ofhow people have lived and living questions as to how we ought to live, and (c) an investigation ofthe nature and limits ofhuman knowledge. Representing diverse wisdom, publicly and privately discovered and presented, Herodotus sets forth Solon's wise advice and law-making, the capital punishment of the learned Anacharsis, the investigative outrages of Cambyses and Psammetichus' more pious experiments. Their stories challenge and complement their communities' characters - the relative constraint under which the Egyptians and Persians make their investigations, the Scythians' qualified openness and the relative fearlessness and freedom in which the Greeks set forth their inquiries. Setting forth the investigator-storykeeper as a poetic historian, Herodotus shows that history as poetry thwarts natural decay by allowing custom to be reformed in an open milieu, and thus win through and survive. Despite the potential dangers that openness shares with tyranny, Herodotus' inquiry sets up a contest ofworld-views in which it is mutability that openness affords a community that ensures its survival.

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RÉSUMÉ Cette étude porte sur la présence phénicienne en Syrie du Nord uniquement pendant la première moitié de l’Âge du Fer, i.e entre 1000 et 500 av. J.C. Elle est fondée sur l’analyse des données archéologiques et littéraires des principaux sites côtiers de cette région, al Mina, Ras el Bassit, Tell Kazel, Tell Soukas et Amrit. Après une présentation des caractéristiques culturelles de la civilisation phénicienne, j’aborde l’analyse de ces sites. Les données qui permettent de prouver une présence phénicienne dans la région s’avèrent nombreuses et j’en conclus que les Phéniciens devaient constituer une minorité importante de la population de ces sites, au même titre que les Grecs ou les Chypriotes, la majorité étant d’origine syrienne. Mais dans certains cas, notamment sur les sites les plus proches des grandes capitales phéniciennes, il n’est pas impossible qu’ils aient été majoritaires. L’étude illustrera par ailleurs l’importance du rôle des cités de la Syrie du Nord dans les échanges commerciaux et culturels avec les autres cultures du Sud-Est du bassin méditerranéen, notamment celles de la Grèce, île de Chypre, de la Cilicie et de la Syrie intérieure.

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La notion d'un esprit étranger et invisible qui prend possession d'un corps est, croit-on, sémitique. Les peuples proche-orientaux et juifs avaient développé des rituels et des pratiques spécifiques pour s'en débarasser. Les Grecs, pour leur part, avaient parfois à composer avec différentes entités, des daimones, des morts ou des apparitions et parfois des divinités dont les actions pouvaient s'avérer très nuisibles, si ce n'est nettement invasives. Toutefois, la communis opinio maintient que les concepts de la possession et de l'exorcisme ne furent chez eux, que tardivement introduits, et ce, sous l'influence des sémitiques. Pourtant, la littérature et les sources épigraphiques, papyrologiques et archéologiques semblent démontrer que les Grecs avaient déjà, dès l'époque classique, dans leur propre culture et religion, les éléments caractéristiques de la possession et de l'exorcisme. Une analyse approfondie de textes d'auteurs anciens, de formulaires de magie,dont les très connus Papyri Grecs Magiques et de diverses amulettes, apporte des arguments décisifs en ce sens.

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La présente recherche porte sur le dieu de la guerre des Grecs anciens, Arès. La communauté historienne s’entend pour affirmer qu’Arès était un dieu de second ordre et un dieu mal aimé par les Grecs de l’époque. Les investigations des historiens du XXe siècle sont axées sur les documents littéraires et elles ne font que reformuler, dans la majorité des cas, le contenu de ceux-ci. Alors, afin de bénéficier d’un regard nouveau sur le dieu, on a étudié Arès au travers les documents épigraphiques pour corroborer ou non nos présentes connaissances. Le dieu de la guerre tel que présenté dans les écrits littéraires est-il le même que celui qui est véhiculé dans l’épigraphie de l’époque? La réponse à cette question nous permettra d’établir si nos connaissances actuelles sont valables et elle les complètera. La recherche épigraphique s’effectue en cinq étapes. D’abord, on voit si le côté militaire d’Arès était également prédominant au sein des inscriptions. Ensuite, on porte une attention particulière aux documents épigraphiques pouvant démontrer un Arès mal aimé. Le tout se poursuit avec la mise en relation du dieu et des anciens serments. Enfin, on termine avec une approche plus géographique qui nous permet de définir deux foyers importants du dieu de la guerre, soit la cité de Métropolis et l’île de Crète. À la suite de ce parcours on a déterminé que l’appréciation et l’importance que les Grecs accordaient à ce dieu n’était pas unanime. Le ressentiment des Grecs variaient selon les individus et les lieux. On a aussi été capable d’établir des faits au sujet d’Arès : son domaine d’action prédominant restait le militaire dans les inscriptions; il était un réel dieu, présent, respecté et loué; il possédait d’importants lieux de culte à Lato et Métropolis. Compte tenu d’une redéfinition notable du profil d’Arès, une révision des sources littéraires propres à Arès s’impose ainsi qu’une évaluation complète de toutes les autres sources (iconographique, archéologique, numismatique, épigraphique, etc.).

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Ce mémoire a pour but d’élucider l’analyse et l’évaluation nietzschéennes du sens et de la portée de la figure de Socrate dans les cultures antique et moderne. Pour ce faire, nous nous pencherons d’abord sur la question de l’identité de Socrate, ce qui permettra d’introduire une distinction centrale à l’analyse de Nietzsche, soit celle entre la doctrine et la personnalité du célèbre Athénien. En effet, Nietzsche isole la personnalité de Socrate, qu’il circonscrit à partir des notions d’instinct, de pulsion et d’affect, de sa doctrine, qu’il appelle le socratisme et qu’il définit à partir de l’équation socratique raison = vertu = bonheur. Ensuite, nous développerons les trois éléments sur lesquels il s’appuie pour expliquer que Socrate ait pu séduire les Grecs, soit le fait qu’il fut un grand érotique, qu’il introduisit une nouvelle forme de joute à Athènes et qu’il apparut comme étant un médecin pour ses contemporains. Cette question des raisons permettant d’expliquer que Socrate ait pu séduire les Grecs est déterminante pour Nietzsche, puisque c’est de là qu’il est amené à se demander qui est ce Socrate et quel a été son véritable impact sur la culture, soit les deux questions qui sont au cœur de ce qu’il appelle « le problème de Socrate ». Enfin, nous nous pencherons sur le diagnostic que le philosophe allemand pose sur le célèbre Athénien ainsi que sur son évaluation de l’impact du socratisme sur les cultures antique et moderne, après quoi nous présenterons l’inversion des valeurs que Nietzsche tente d’opérer dans sa propre culture. Nous verrons alors qu’il cherche entre autres par cette inversion des valeurs à nous libérer du socratisme, car il est d’avis que cette doctrine dévalorise toute forme d’agir puisant ses motifs dans ce qui relève de l’inconscient et survalorise une morale luttant contre les pulsions dominantes en nous.

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Cette étude, qui s'intéresse aux appropriations de l'Antiquité grecque au XXe siècle, se propose d'analyser les impacts de la lecture de Platon sur le développement de la pensée politique et éthique de Hannah Arendt. Notre approche du sujet est historique et philosophique. Premièrement, nous considérerons la toile de fond biographique, intellectuelle et historique de cette lecture. La relation intellectuelle entre Hannah Arendt et Martin Heidegger reçoit une attention particulière, puisque le Platon arendtien présente parfois des similarités avec celui de Heidegger. Nous considérerons également la réception de Platon en Allemagne entre la période de Weimar et l'après-guerre : les lectures idéologiques de l'époque nazie, et le débat autour du statut de Platon en tant qu'ancêtre du totalitarisme, clamé par Karl Popper, ont assombri la réputation philosophique de Platon jusqu'à la fin du XXe siècle. Nous trouvons des échos de ce climat intellectuel particulier dans le traitement de Platon chez Arendt. Dans un deuxième temps, nous examinerons les thèmes et les motifs de la lecture arendtienne en observant minutieusement une sélection d'ouvrages, d'essais, d'ébauches d'Arendt, en plus des notes du Journal de pensée (Denktagebuch) et des extraits de dialogues de Platon sur lesquels s'appuient sa lecture. Arendt déconstruit, transforme, altère et utilise ces textes afin de démontrer que notre tradition de pensée politique s'est édifiée sur un mépris de la politique qui trouve sa source dans la pensée platonicienne. Ce mépris culmine dans la pensée de Marx et le totalitarisme. Mais les réflexions d'Arendt sur la pensée, le jugement et la conscience, et son traitement du cas Eichmann suggère qu'elle s'approprie par moments la pensée de Platon. Des comparaisons avec d'autres penseurs émigrés allemands, qui s'inspirent aussi de Platon et des Grecs pour édifier leur pensée politique, Leo Strauss et Eric Voegelin, vont nous permettre d'affiner notre compréhension du Platon d'Arendt.

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Claude fut empereur romain entre 41 et 54 apr. J.-C., succédant à son neveu Caligula. Alors que les sources littéraires antiques témoignent de la faiblesse d’esprit d’un empereur dirigé par ses affranchis et par ses femmes, les documents épigraphiques et papyrologiques mettent en lumière un empereur soucieux de rendre la justice et dont les décisions tournées vers un pragmatisme lui ont valu le surnom d’empereur des citoyens. Cependant, si le personnage hors du commun a fait couler beaucoup d’encre, les spécialistes ne se sont attardés que très rarement à la province d’Égypte sous son règne, alors que celle-ci est pourtant aux prises avec un important conflit judéo-alexandrin qu’a mis au jour la fameuse Lettre de Claude aux Alexandrins. En lisant celle-ci, nous en apprenons non seulement sur le conflit en question, mais encore sur la citoyenneté alexandrine, le culte impérial et le témoignage direct d’une politique personnelle engagée de l’empereur Claude envers l’Égypte. Ce présent mémoire est divisé en quatre chapitres. Le premier examinera les traits du multiculturalisme égyptien sous la présence romaine. Le deuxième chapitre expliquera la crise qui opposa les Grecs aux Juifs d’Alexandrie et qui fut l’élément déclencheur d’une politique personnelle de Claude. Le troisième chapitre se penchera sur d’autres témoignages du reste de l’Empire pour mieux déterminer le caractère passif ou actif de Claude et évaluer si la Lettre est bel et bien de son initiative personnelle. Enfin, le quatrième chapitre abordera le sujet du culte impérial en Égypte pour s’intéresser au souci de légitimation et d’acceptation de l’empereur par ses sujets égyptiens.

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Esta tesis estudia el conjunto de valores que llevaron a que la relación erótica entre hombres se constituyera en el foco principal de reflexión en la ética sexual griega. También intenta responder cuál es la propuesta de Michel Foucault respecto a la experiencia de la homosexualidad hoy.

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Postprandial lipaemic responses to two test meals were investigated in 30 Northern (15 British and 15 Irish), and 30 Southern (Greeks from Crete) healthy male Europeans. The meals were a saturated fatty acid (SFA) meal, which resembled the fatty acid composition of an average UK diet, and a monounsaturated fatty acid (MUFA) meal in which the fat consisted of olive oil. Habitual diets of the two groups differed, with higher total fat, (P < 0.03) and MUFA (P < 0.0001) and lower polyunsaturated fatty acid (PUFA) (P < 0.0001) intakes in Southern than Northern Europeans. Levels of total MUFA (P < 0.02) and oleic acid (P < 0.004) were also higher in adipose tissue of Southern in comparison to Northern Europeans. In both European groups there were no significant differences in postprandial triglyceride response between the two meal types, SFA or MUFA. However, Northern and Southern Europeans showed significant differences in their patterns of postprandial response in plasma triglycerides (P < 0.0001), apolipoprotein B-48 (P < 0.0001), NEFA (P < 0.0001), insulin (P < 0.0007), and factor VII activity (P-0.03). In the case of NEFA, areas under the response curve were higher following the SFA than the MUFA meal for both groups, (P < 0.003) and were greater in Southern than Northern Europeans (P < 0.002) and apo B-48 responses were lower (P < 0.005). Some of these differences may reflect differences in fasting levels since fasting apolipoprotein B-48 levels were lower (P < 0.01) and fasting NEFA (P < 0.02) and insulin (P < 0.005) were higher in the Southern than in the Northern Europeans. In addition, 9 h postprandial post-heparin lipoprotein lipase activity was lower in the Southern than in the Northern Europeans (P < 0.0006). This is the first report of differences in postprandial lipid, factor VII and insulin responses in Southern and Northern Europeans which may be of importance in explaining the different susceptibilities of these two populations to risk of coronary artery disease.