972 resultados para Former captive


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Following the 1998 Belfast Agreement in Northern Ireland, levels of paramilitary violence have declined substantially. Among loyalists, the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) and associated Red Hand Commando (RHC) have formally renounced violence, and dissolved their 'military structures', and perhaps the most reticent of all of the major paramilitary groupings, the Ulster Defence Association (UDA), has taken on board the central tenets of conflict transformation, and 'stood down' all of its 'active service units' in the Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF). Thus, paramilitary violence now is mainly confined to the activities of 'dissident' republican groups, notably the Real and Continuity IRAs, although low-level sectarian violence remains a problem. Such dramatic societal and political change has resulted in a focus on the roles of formal party political leadership as agents of social change. This gaze, however, tends to obscure other important events such as the efforts, structures and approaches taken at the grassroots level to uphold and sustain conflict transformation and to maintain a reduction in violence. This article provides analysis of the role played by former loyalist paramilitary combatants in conflict transformation, and draws on material obtained through significant access to those former paramilitaries engaged in processes of societal shifts. In both personal and structural terms there is evidence of former combatants working to diminish the political tensions that remain as a result of the long-term inter-communal hostility developed across decades of violence and conflict.

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This article explores the process of Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) in Northern Ireland. In particular, it examines the role and experiences of former combatants, who were incarcerated during the Troubles. It is shown that upon release from prison, many of these former combatants have played key roles in the development of community-based initiatives, which have not only facilitated the reintegration of former prisoners, but have also contributed to a broader process of post-conflict regeneration and social development. The author considers the notion of expanding the ‘R’ phase of DDR, and contends that additional attention needs to be paid to both to the specific needs of former combatants/former prisoners and to their involvement in the overall process of reintegration and peacebuilding.

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The prisoner provisions under the Northern Ireland Peace Agreement clearly emphasised the importance of the reintegration and civic inclusion of ‘politically motivated’ former prisoners; however, numerous barriers to full reintegration remain. Even though these prisoners were released as part of a peace process, based on principles of conflict transformation and reconciliation, there were still The prisoner provisions under the Northern Ireland Peace Agreement emphasised the importance of the reintegration and civic inclusion of ‘politically motivated’ former prisoners; however, numerous barriers to full reintegration remain. Notwithstanding the fact that these prisoners were released as part of a peace process, based on principles of conflict transformation and reconciliation, there were still numerous conditions placed upon them as part of their release process and they continued to hold a ‘criminal’ record upon release. As with ‘ordinary’ ex-prisoners, these ‘politically motivated’ former prisoners have subsequently faced numerous obstacles in their attempts to reintegrate back into society, particularly in the area of employment. Recognising that they needed to deal with the consequences of imprisonment, ‘politically motivated’ former prisoners formed numerous self-help organisations to assist in the reintegration process and have mobilised to lobby for protection against the discrimination and unequal treatment experienced by ex-prisoners seeking employment. This article explores the remaining barriers to employment for ‘politically motivated’ former prisoners and the consequences of these barriers. The article moves to assess how prisoner groups have subsequently used a ‘rights based’ discourse to engage local government in their struggle to overcome existing obstacles before finally concluding that any piecemeal attempt to remove barriers to full reintegration will only impede the longer term conflict transformation process in Northern Ireland.

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Here we present a series of six maps illustrating the distribution of end moraines in Far NE Russia. The maps are the first to systematically document the distribution of moraines across this region from the Verkhoyansk Mountains at the westernmost limit of our study area to the Chukchi Peninsula in the NE and to Kamchatka in the south, covering almost 4 million km2. Moraines were identified and mapped from analysis of satellite images and digital elevation model data. A total of 2173 moraines are identified, and we highlight some 197 more speculative features (perhaps moraines) that require further investigation. The distribution of moraines indicates that much of the region, now largely ice-free, was formerly occupied by glaciers centred upon the region’s uplands and that glacier outlets were typically < 200 km in length. The maps demonstrate the usefulness of remote sensing to derive an improved understanding of the glacial history of this vast and isolated region, and we present them to stimulate further work and act as a systematic framework for targeted geochronometric dating.

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Since 1989, a red kite Milvus milvus reintroduction programme has been underway in the United Kingdom, with 4-6 week old nestlings brought into captivity and held for 6-8 weeks before reintroduction. As scavengers, red kites may consume unretrieved game, and ingest shot or lead (Pb) fragments in their prey's flesh. We evaluated exposure to Pb in captive and wild red kites by taking blood samples from 125 captive young red kites prior to release, through analysing 264 pellets (regurgitated by wild birds) collected from under a roost site, and analysing Pb concentrations in livers and/or bones of 87 red kites found dead between 1995 and 2003. Lead isotope analyses of livers were also conducted in an effort to identify Pb exposure routes. Forty-six (36.8%) kites sampled prior to release had elevated blood Pb concentrations (201-3340 microg l(-1)). The source of this Pb was probably small fragments of lead ammunition in the carcasses of birds or mammals either fed to the nestlings by their parents or, more likely, subsequently whilst in captivity. Once released, kites were also exposed to lead shot in their food, and a minimum of 1.5-2.3% of regurgitated pellets contained Pb gunshot. Seven of 44 red kites found dead or that were captured sick and died within a few days had elevated (>6 mg kg(-1) dry weight [d.w.]) liver Pb concentrations, and six of these (14%) had concentrations of >15 mg kg(-1) d.w., compatible with fatal Pb poisoning. Post-mortem analyses indicated that two of these birds had died of other causes (poisoning by rodenticide and a banned agricultural pesticide); the remaining four (9%) probably died of Pb poisoning. Bone samples from 86 red kites showed a skewed distribution of Pb concentration, and 18 samples (21%) had Pb concentrations >20 mg kg(-1) d.w., indicating elevated exposure to Pb at some stage in the birds' life. Lead isotopic signatures (Pb (208/206); Pb (206/207)) in liver samples of the majority of kites were compatible with those found in lead shot extracted from regurgitated pellets. Lead isotope ratios found in the livers of kites with very low Pb concentrations were distinct from UK petrol Pb isotopic signatures, indicating that birds were exposed to little residual petrol Pb. We conclude that the primary source of Pb to which red kites are exposed is lead ammunition (shotgun pellets or rifle bullets), or fragments thereof, in their food sources; in some cases exposure appears sufficient to be fatal. We make recommendations to reduce Pb poisoning in both captive and wild red kites and other scavenging species.

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Since the signing of the Northern Ireland peace agreement a plethora of community based prisoner self-help organisations have been established wherein former prisoners staff, manage and deliver services to colleagues. By forging and maintaining their collective identities through community based mutual aid, members of these self-help organisations have progressed to create not only individual change/assistance but have also developed and evolved to tackle serious wider social issues which impact on the members of their organisations. This article critically analyses how the conditions of a post conflict society can influence both the development and evolution of these organisations and also how members situate their claims about the self in the organisation and beyond. Using the social movement framework it is argued that the work of these self-help organisations have given rise to a new politics of identity … that is the ‘politically motivated’ ex-prisoner. ©2013 Taylor & Francis

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To compare biobehavioral responses to acute pain at 4 months' corrected age between former extremely low birth weight (ELBW) infants and term-born controls.

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Background: The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has been home to the world’s deadliest con?ict since World War II and is reported to have the largest number of child soldiers in the world. Despite evidence of the debilitating impact of war, no group-based mental health or psychosocial intervention has been evaluated in a randomised controlled trial for psychologically distressed former child soldiers.

Method: A randomised controlled trial involving 50 boys, aged 13–17, including former child soldiers (n = 39) and other war-affected boys (n = 11). They were randomly assigned to an intervention group, or wait-list control group. The intervention group received a 15-session, group-based, culturally adapted Trauma-Focused Cognitive–Behavioural Therapy (TF-CBT) intervention. Assessment interviews were completed at baseline, postintervention and 3-month follow-up (intervention group).

Results: Analysis of Covariance (ANCOVA) demonstrated that, in comparison to the wait-list control group, the TF-CBT intervention group had highly signi?cant reductions in posttraumatic stress symptoms, overall psychosocial distress, depression or anxiety-like symptoms, conduct problems and a signi?cant increase in prosocial behaviour (p < .001 for all). Effect sizes were higher when former child soldier scores were separated for sub-analysis. Three-month follow-up of the intervention group found that treatment gains were maintained.

Conclusions: A culturally modi?ed, group-based TF-CBT intervention was effective in reducing posttraumatic stress and psychosocial distress in former child soldiers and other war-affected boys.

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The release of ex-combatants and the mechanisms for their re-integration within society has become an increasingly controversial issue in peace settlements. Yet to date, the view of victims concerning such arrangements in post-conflict societies remains unexplored. Mindful of this omission and using Northern Ireland as a case study, this article investigates the relationship between victimisation and attitudes towards the treatment of former political prisoners. Based on the 2011 Northern Ireland Social and Political Attitudes Survey, the results suggest that individual victims—those who directly and/or indirectly experienced violent incidents—are notably less supportive of a punitive approach towards the treatment of former political prisoners than non-victims. Moreover, this is particularly the case when victims from within the Catholic community are considered. The Northern Ireland evidence suggests that victims can act as a positive and inclusive force in terms of the rehabilitation and re-integration of former combatants in societies emerging from conflict.

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This article unpacks the variant meanings, perceptions, and experiences of violent enactment and stigmatic shaming among loyalists with regard to rejection, harm, and masking. What we locate is a landscape of variable emotions, experiences, neutralization techniques, dependences, and embedded forms of fatalism as well as resilience. Attending to those alternate positions and well-beings is important in considering the capacity of re-integration and the presently uneven nature of it. In adopting an account-driven format we present and analyze how involvement in violent conflict can, on the one hand, provoke persistence and senses of transitional thinking and on the other engender rejection and related fatalistic attitudes.