991 resultados para Favela, childish violence, institutional agenda, UNICEF
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El texto que a continuación se presenta se corresponde de manera bastante fidedigna con el texto que el autor leyó en el acto de defensa de su tesis doctoral, realizada en la Universidad de Alicante el 14 de junio de 2012. El tribunal estuvo compuesto por Remedios Zafra, Federico Soriano, Jessica Jaques, Miguel Angel Hernández y Juan Freire. Los directores del trabajo fueron José María Torres Nadal y Pedro Alberto Cruz. Después de lo vivido, lo pensado, y lo contado, descubro perplejo al final de esta investigación que la relevancia de lo que hemos realizado junto con otrxs muchxs en la Universidad de Alicante, radica precisamente en una obsesión infantil por organizar lo prescindible, todo aquello que no nos es requerido para el cumplimiento de nuestras estrictas funciones académicas. O por utilizar otros términos, descubro con un cierto horror que casi nada de lo que en algún momento nos ha llegado a excitar parece atravesado por los dispositivos maquínicos institucionales.
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Cette étude vise à comprendre le phénomène de la violence physique vécue par les éducateurs oeuvrant dans dix Centres Jeunesse (CJ) du Québec. Pour ce faire, un sondage de victimisation a été administré à 586 éducateurs en internat. En premier lieu, la prévalence de cette problématique sera établie. Par la suite, les facteurs individuels et environnementaux prédisposant aux agressions physiques seront identifiés. Des éducateurs sondés, 53,9 % rapportent avoir été victimes de violence physique au cours de la dernière année. Sur le plan individuel, être affecté par les manifestations agressives des clients et la fréquence des violences psychologiques subies augmentent les risques de victimisation physique. Quant au contexte, l’âge de la clientèle et le motif de l’intervention (basé sur la loi justifiant le placement) auprès de l’enfant ou de l’adolescent influencent l’occurrence des actes violents dirigés contre les éducateurs. Nos analyses montrent également que les violences physiques dont sont victimes les éducateurs affectent autant l’individu que l’institution. L’identification de facteurs permettant de prédire les risques de victimisation pourrait notamment servir à orienter les programmes de prévention de la violence dans les CJ, mais aussi à cibler les éducateurs les plus à risque afin de leur fournir un soutien adapté.
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Five years ago, the declarations of the G20 in landmark leaders’ summits in London and Pittsburgh listed specific commitments on financial regulatory reform. When measured against these declarations, as opposed to the surrounding rhetorical hype, most (though not all) commitments have been met to a substantial degree. However, the effectiveness of these reforms in making global finance more stable is not so far proven. This uncertainty on impact mirrors the absence of an analytical consensus on the 2007-08 financial crisis itself. In addition, unintended consequences of the reforms are appearing gradually, even as their initial implementation is still unfinished. At a broader level, the G20 has established neither an adequate institutional infrastructure nor a consistent policy vision for a globally integrated financial system. This shortcoming justifies increasing concerns about economically harmful market fragmentation. One key aim should be to make international regulatory bodies more representative of the rapidly-changing geography of global finance, not only in terms of their membership but also of their leadership and location.
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This essay will show that the Schröder-led government managed to break the political gridlock and introduce the Agenda 2010 because key institutional structures of Germany‟s political economy had lost their obstructive powers. In other words, the formerly semi-sovereign state had reclaimed its sovereignty. To understand how this happened, Peter Katzenstein's concept of the semi-sovereign state is first explored as a framework through which to analyze economic policy continuity and change. Within this framework, the causes for constant reform inertia between 1982 and 2002, in spite of varying political constellations and changes in the country‟s economic structure, are then discussed. This analysis will demonstrate that the Agenda 2010 reforms are predominantly a result of underlying incremental change in the political economy and its effect on the political decision-making process. Finally, the findings of this analysis are summarized and discussed with the aim of better understanding the economic policies of the current grand coalition government of the CDU/CSU and the SPD government under Chancellor Angela Merkel.
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Overview. Questions about the interface between the multilateral climate regime embodied in the Kyoto Protocol and the multilateral trade regime embodied in the World Trade Organisation (WTO) have become especially timely since the fall of 2001. At that time, ministerial-level meetings in Marrakech and Doha agreed to advance the agendas, respectively, for the implementation of the Kyoto Protocol and for negotiations on further agreements at the WTO. There have been concerns that each of these multilateral arrangements could constrain the effectiveness of the other, and these concerns will become more salient with the entry into force of the Kyoto Protocol. There are questions about whether and how the rights and obligations of the members of the WTO and the parties to the Protocol may conflict. Of particular concern is whether provisions in the Protocol, as well as government policies and business activities undertaken in keeping with those provisions, may conflict with the WTO non-discrimination principles of national treatment and most-favoured nation treatment. The WTO agreements that are potentially relevant to climate change issues include many of the individual Uruguay Round agreements and subsequent agreements as well. The principal elements of the Kyoto Protocol that are particularly relevant are its provisions concerning emissions trading, the Clean Development Mechanism, Joint Implementation, enforcement, and parties’ policies and measures. In combination, therefore, there are numerous potential points of intersection between the elements of the Kyoto Protocol and the WTO agreements. Previous studies have clarified many issues, as they have focused on particular aspects of the regimes’ relationships. Yet, some analyses suggest that the two regimes are largely compatible and even mutually reinforcing, while others suggest that there are significant conflicts between them. Those and other studies are referenced in the ‘suggestions for further reading’ section at the end of the paper.1 The present paper seeks to expand on those studies by providing additional breadth and depth to understanding of the issues. The analysis gives special attention to key issues on the agenda – i.e. issues that are particularly problematic because of the likelihood of occurrence of specific conflicts and the significance of their economic and/or political consequences. The paper adopts a modified ‘triage’ approach, which classifies points of intersection as (a) highly problematic and clearly in need of further attention, (b) perhaps problematic but less urgent, and (c) apparently not problematic, at least at this point in time. The principal conclusions are that: · The missions and objectives of the two regimes are largely compatible, and their operations are potentially mutually reinforcing in several respects. · Some provisions of the multilateral agreements that may superficially seem at odds are not likely to become particularly problematic in practice. · ‘Domestic policies and measures’ that governments may undertake in the context of the Protocol could pose difficult issues in the context of WTO dispute cases. · Recent WTO agreements and dispute cases acknowledge the legitimacy of the ‘precautionary principle’ and are thus consistent with the environmental protection objectives of the Protocol. · The relative newness of the climate regime creates opportunities for institutional adaptation, as compared with the constraints of tradition in the trade-investment regime. · The prospect of largely independent evolutionary paths for the two regimes poses a series of issues about future international regime design and management, which may require new institutional arrangements. In sum, the present paper thus finds that although there are some areas of interaction that are problematic, the two regimes may nevertheless co-exist in relative harmony in other respects –more like ‘neighbours’ than either ‘friends’ or ‘foes’, as Krist (2001) has suggested.
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Over the past two decades, the European Union (EU) has become a central actor in financial regulation and developed complex institutions to fulfill its roles. Pre-financial crisis scholarship has provided key insights into the functioning of this institutional cobweb and its evolution over time. However, the financial crisis has highlighted four facets of EU financial regulation (EUFR) that deserve more scholarly attention than they have received so far: (1) the permissive pre-crisis consensus on the merits of financial liberalization and integration, (2) the embeddedness of financial regulation in the political economy of EU integration at large, (3) preference formation of public and private stakeholders in EUFR, and (4) the global economic and regulatory context of EUFR. This paper presents the key scholarly challenges across these four areas. Addressing them promises not only academic insights but also promotes the relevance of EUFR research for real-world policy dilemmas.
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El trabajo explora la emergencia de temas y la constitución de problemas públicos que integran la agenda de la seguridad en Argentina en la etapa democrática a partir de procesos vinculados a la problematización pública de muertes violentas constituidas como casos conmocionantes. Con estos fines, el análisis integra la reconstrucción en el registro de la acción pública de casos conmocionantes con una revisión de trabajos que desde las ciencias sociales abordan dimensiones de la muerte violenta y problemas vinculados a la agenda nacional de la seguridad. Como punto de llegada del análisis destacamos la capacidad que en la actualidad manifiesta la inseguridad para absorber e integrar dimensiones en tanto problema que se constituye como un guion cultural privilegiado para la comprensión de la violencia, que sintetiza sentidos sociales circulantes sobre el riesgo y que sirve de plataforma para la demanda política de amplios sectores de la ciudadanía.
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El presente estudio entrega un panorama sobre las desigualdades que experimentan las niñas y las adolescentes de la región y pretende aportar a la discusión sobre políticas que busquen eliminar todas las formas de discriminación que les afecten. Para ello, se adopta una perspectiva enfocada en las vulnerabilidades específicas que niñas y adolescentes enfrentan, reconociendo la diversidad de sus identidades e identificando las barreras que es necesario derribar. Esto es un imperativo, por una parte, para su ejercicio de derechos, la adquisición de activos y acceso a oportunidades y la construcción de su autonomía y ciudadanía, y por otra parte, para el desarrollo social y económico de los países en el presente y futuro, comprendiendo que las desigualdades que se padecen desde la infancia, además de ser fuente de injusticia en esta etapa de la vida, se proyectan y amplifican hasta la edad adulta. La información que se presenta busca aportar al diseño de políticas públicas pertinentes y eficaces que permitan garantizarles la realización de sus derechos con miras a cimentar en la región un desarrollo con igualdad, más aún en el contexto de la recientemente aprobada Agenda 2030 para el Desarrollo Sostenible (ONU, 2015).
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The integration of youth into development processes is crucial in order to advance towards more egalitarian societies. Over the past few years, the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) has regarded equality as the horizon for development, structural change as the way to achieve it, and policy as the instrument to reach that horizon. Equality is viewed as going beyond the distribution of means, such as monetary income, to include equal opportunities and capacities. This implies understanding equality as the full exercise of citizenship, with dignity and the reciprocal recognition of actors. Progress in this direction requires policies that promote the autonomy of subjects and pay attention to their vulnerabilities.
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Hace casi 40 años, se celebró la primera Conferencia Regional sobre la Integración de la Mujer al Desarrollo Económico y Social de América Latina (La Habana, 1977), que abrió un espacio de intercambio regional después de la Conferencia Mundial del Año Internacional de la Mujer (Ciudad de México, 1975), un espacio que apostaba a que las demandas sociales en favor de los derechos de las mujeres y la igualdad de género que empezaban a cruzar los países se convirtieran en compromisos gubernamentales. En aquella oportunidad se acordó el Plan de Acción Regional para la Integración de la Mujer en el Desarrollo Económico y Social de América Latina, que fue la primera hoja de ruta que tuvo la región para avanzar hacia el reconocimiento del aporte de las mujeres a la sociedad y los obstáculos que enfrentan para mejorar su situación. También en esa oportunidad, los Gobiernos le dieron a la Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe (CEPAL) el mandato de convocar con carácter permanente y regular, con una frecuencia no superior a tres años, una Conferencia Regional sobre la Mujer. A lo largo de las siguientes cuatro décadas, en cumplimiento de este mandato, la CEPAL, a través primero de la Unidad Mujer y Desarrollo, y posteriormente de la División de Asuntos de Género, ha organizado 12 Conferencias sobre la mujer. Esta articulación intergubernamental, con la presencia activa del movimiento feminista y de mujeres y el apoyo de todo el sistema de las Naciones Unidas, se ha convertido en el principal foro de negociación de una agenda regional para la igualdad de género amplia, profunda y comprehensiva, en que la autonomía y los derechos de las mujeres están en el centro, y en cuyas reuniones siempre ha ocupado un lugar protagónico la preocupación por las políticas de desarrollo y de superación de la pobreza. En la presente publicación se recopilan todos los acuerdos adoptados por los Gobiernos en las conferencias regionales, de modo que constituya una herramienta para la consulta, pero sobre todo para la acción y la construcción de un futuro basado en la memoria colectiva de las mujeres de América Latina y el Caribe.
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The first Regional Conference on the Integration of Women into the Economic and Social Development of Latin America and the Caribbean was held almost 40 years ago (Havana, 1977). It provided a regional forum for exchange after the World Conference of the International Women’s Year in Mexico City in 1975, where participants supported the idea of social demands for women’s rights and gender equality (which were starting to spread from country to country) being converted into government commitments. On that occasion they adopted the Regional Plan of Action for the Integration of Women into Latin American Economic and Social Development, the region’s first road map for progress towards the recognition of women’s contribution to society and the obstacles that they face in improving their situation. At that same conference, the Governments gave the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) a mandate to convene periodically, at intervals of no more than three years, a Regional Conference on Women. In fulfilment of this mandate, over the next four decades ECLAC organized 12 Regional Conferences on Women, first through its Women and Development Unit, then its Division for Gender Affairs. This interaction between governments, with the active participation of the women’s and feminist movement and the support of the entire United Nations system, has become the main forum for the negotiation of a broad, profound and comprehensive regional agenda on gender equality, in which women’s autonomy and rights are front and centre. Policies for development and overcoming poverty have always been a key focus at these meetings. This publication is a compilation of all the agreements adopted by the Governments at the regional conferences and will serve not only as a tool for reference, but above all as a tool for action and for building a future based on the collective memory of the women of Latin America and the Caribbean.
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Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2016-07
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This paper uses autobiographical stories to explore various aspects of institutional violence. The stories are taken from a range of institutional settings including schools, academia and commercial enterprises. Each story is used in a dynamic interplay with extant theories and explanations of violence in a mutually explorative and informing manner. Each tale intersects with a different set of issues relating to organisations and violence. The stories and the analysis cohere around the central notion that there exist economies of violence in which violence is exchanged, transacted and within which it circulates. Such economies are constituted and legitimated by discourses, the economy shifts and alters as the surrounding discourses change.
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Literature on the relationship between leadership and entrepreneurship as it applies to endogenous growth in a regional context is reviewed and used to explore a research agenda for work on this topic. A leadership/entrepreneurship analytical approach is developed and applied on a pilot basis to the Greater Washington D.C. region and its sub-parts. The results are assessed and used to further refine the model and to identify some of the more provocative policy implications of this work. The implications for regional planning process are also considered.
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This paper explores the extent to which it is possible to address issues pertaining to developing countries with significant socio-cultural and political interventions. Examples from the Sri Lankan tea plantations are used to illustrate the necessity to understand the context from actors’ perspectives using rigorous case study research, before making prescriptive recommendations. Current problems faced by the Sri Lankan tea industry are identified as not merely micro-institutional or managerial. We argue that their roots lie in reproduction of social struggles at the level of production. We propose a research agenda, in the doctrine of critical theory, for exploring the formation and implementation of business strategies in developing countries, using the tea plantation sector as a case. Our primary attempt here is to conceptualize strategic management in the context of political economy and to identify central issues to be addressed. Accordingly, we argue that researching historical dynamics of strategic management facilitates understanding and interpreting the articulation of modes of production in a given social formation. We further argue that a highly context specific research agenda is required to fully comprehend idiosyncratic characteristics of Sri Lankan strategy structures and organizational forms. Then, it is proposed that explaining the role of social formation in shaping and reshaping strategy relations should be at the centre of the research due to the social significance attached to ‘strategy’. Finally, methodological and epistemological necessities arising from the nature of strategy relationships are discussed.