922 resultados para Family structure


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The Project presents as main subject the relationship between entrepreneurship and the Public Relations professional. In the entrepreneurship, business plan is stood up, a document able to assist the entrepreneur to plan the activities related to implementation or creation of a new business. Assuming the business plan is an essential instrument of the entrepreneurial process, this study aims to describe the important use of the business plan for the creation or maintenance of a company and verify the Public Relations acting possibilities in the construction of this plan. For this, the project presents a study on a business plan for a small company with family structure, located in Sao Paulo countryside, in operation for over 30 years. Through the process of the business plan elaboration, it can be seen that the Public Relations professional has important skills that can be assist in the preparation of this plan, such as Marketing tools and communication knowledge and ability to establish a mission, the vision and the company values. Besides, this professional presents entrepreneurial characteristics that can help him in his activities, actions and planning

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The entrance of women in the labor market carries implications for the organization and structure of family functioning, leading to the proposition of new settings, family arrangements with direct interference in the mother-child and family dynamics.A major challenge for women is to reconcile time for household chores, academic, external work and be able to stay with their children in order to be able establish an affective bond and harmonious.In this sense, one can say that in married life the roles played by man and woman has been increasingly confused and that family configuration has been designed differently from the traditional family structure as well as the mother-child relationship is also touched by these events.

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Pós-graduação em Genética e Melhoramento Animal - FCAV

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La ricerca si propone di definire le linee guida per la stesura di un Piano che si occupi di qualità della vita e di benessere. Il richiamo alla qualità e al benessere è positivamente innovativo, in quanto impone agli organi decisionali di sintonizzarsi con la soggettività attiva dei cittadini e, contemporaneamente, rende evidente la necessità di un approccio più ampio e trasversale al tema della città e di una più stretta relazione dei tecnici/esperti con i responsabili degli organismi politicoamministrativi. La ricerca vuole indagare i limiti dell’urbanistica moderna di fronte alla complessità di bisogni e di nuove necessità espresse dalle popolazioni urbane contemporanee. La domanda dei servizi è notevolmente cambiata rispetto a quella degli anni Sessanta, oltre che sul piano quantitativo anche e soprattutto sul piano qualitativo, a causa degli intervenuti cambiamenti sociali che hanno trasformato la città moderna non solo dal punto di vista strutturale ma anche dal punto di vista culturale: l’intermittenza della cittadinanza, per cui le città sono sempre più vissute e godute da cittadini del mondo (turisti e/o visitatori, temporaneamente presenti) e da cittadini diffusi (suburbani, provinciali, metropolitani); la radicale trasformazione della struttura familiare, per cui la famiglia-tipo costituita da una coppia con figli, solido riferimento per l’economia e la politica, è oggi minoritaria; l’irregolarità e flessibilità dei calendari, delle agende e dei ritmi di vita della popolazione attiva; la mobilità sociale, per cui gli individui hanno traiettorie di vita e pratiche quotidiane meno determinate dalle loro origini sociali di quanto avveniva nel passato; l’elevazione del livello di istruzione e quindi l’incremento della domanda di cultura; la crescita della popolazione anziana e la forte individualizzazione sociale hanno generato una domanda di città espressa dalla gente estremamente variegata ed eterogenea, frammentata e volatile, e per alcuni aspetti assolutamente nuova. Accanto a vecchie e consolidate richieste – la città efficiente, funzionale, produttiva, accessibile a tutti – sorgono nuove domande, ideali e bisogni che hanno come oggetto la bellezza, la varietà, la fruibilità, la sicurezza, la capacità di stupire e divertire, la sostenibilità, la ricerca di nuove identità, domande che esprimono il desiderio di vivere e di godere la città, di stare bene in città, domande che non possono essere più soddisfatte attraverso un’idea di welfare semplicemente basata sull’istruzione, la sanità, il sistema pensionistico e l’assistenza sociale. La città moderna ovvero l’idea moderna della città, organizzata solo sui concetti di ordine, regolarità, pulizia, uguaglianza e buon governo, è stata consegnata alla storia passata trasformandosi ora in qualcosa di assai diverso che facciamo fatica a rappresentare, a descrivere, a raccontare. La città contemporanea può essere rappresentata in molteplici modi, sia dal punto di vista urbanistico che dal punto di vista sociale: nella letteratura recente è evidente la difficoltà di definire e di racchiudere entro limiti certi l’oggetto “città” e la mancanza di un convincimento forte nell’interpretazione delle trasformazioni politiche, economiche e sociali che hanno investito la società e il mondo nel secolo scorso. La città contemporanea, al di là degli ambiti amministrativi, delle espansioni territoriali e degli assetti urbanistici, delle infrastrutture, della tecnologia, del funzionalismo e dei mercati globali, è anche luogo delle relazioni umane, rappresentazione dei rapporti tra gli individui e dello spazio urbano in cui queste relazioni si muovono. La città è sia concentrazione fisica di persone e di edifici, ma anche varietà di usi e di gruppi, densità di rapporti sociali; è il luogo in cui avvengono i processi di coesione o di esclusione sociale, luogo delle norme culturali che regolano i comportamenti, dell’identità che si esprime materialmente e simbolicamente nello spazio pubblico della vita cittadina. Per studiare la città contemporanea è necessario utilizzare un approccio nuovo, fatto di contaminazioni e saperi trasversali forniti da altre discipline, come la sociologia e le scienze umane, che pure contribuiscono a costruire l’immagine comunemente percepita della città e del territorio, del paesaggio e dell’ambiente. La rappresentazione del sociale urbano varia in base all’idea di cosa è, in un dato momento storico e in un dato contesto, una situazione di benessere delle persone. L’urbanistica moderna mirava al massimo benessere del singolo e della collettività e a modellarsi sulle “effettive necessità delle persone”: nei vecchi manuali di urbanistica compare come appendice al piano regolatore il “Piano dei servizi”, che comprende i servizi distribuiti sul territorio circostante, una sorta di “piano regolatore sociale”, per evitare quartieri separati per fasce di popolazione o per classi. Nella città contemporanea la globalizzazione, le nuove forme di marginalizzazione e di esclusione, l’avvento della cosiddetta “new economy”, la ridefinizione della base produttiva e del mercato del lavoro urbani sono espressione di una complessità sociale che può essere definita sulla base delle transazioni e gli scambi simbolici piuttosto che sui processi di industrializzazione e di modernizzazione verso cui era orientata la città storica, definita moderna. Tutto ciò costituisce quel complesso di questioni che attualmente viene definito “nuovo welfare”, in contrapposizione a quello essenzialmente basato sull’istruzione, sulla sanità, sul sistema pensionistico e sull’assistenza sociale. La ricerca ha quindi analizzato gli strumenti tradizionali della pianificazione e programmazione territoriale, nella loro dimensione operativa e istituzionale: la destinazione principale di tali strumenti consiste nella classificazione e nella sistemazione dei servizi e dei contenitori urbanistici. E’ chiaro, tuttavia, che per poter rispondere alla molteplice complessità di domande, bisogni e desideri espressi dalla società contemporanea le dotazioni effettive per “fare città” devono necessariamente superare i concetti di “standard” e di “zonizzazione”, che risultano essere troppo rigidi e quindi incapaci di adattarsi all’evoluzione di una domanda crescente di qualità e di servizi e allo stesso tempo inadeguati nella gestione del rapporto tra lo spazio domestico e lo spazio collettivo. In questo senso è rilevante il rapporto tra le tipologie abitative e la morfologia urbana e quindi anche l’ambiente intorno alla casa, che stabilisce il rapporto “dalla casa alla città”, perché è in questa dualità che si definisce il rapporto tra spazi privati e spazi pubblici e si contestualizzano i temi della strada, dei negozi, dei luoghi di incontro, degli accessi. Dopo la convergenza dalla scala urbana alla scala edilizia si passa quindi dalla scala edilizia a quella urbana, dal momento che il criterio del benessere attraversa le diverse scale dello spazio abitabile. Non solo, nei sistemi territoriali in cui si è raggiunto un benessere diffuso ed un alto livello di sviluppo economico è emersa la consapevolezza che il concetto stesso di benessere sia non più legato esclusivamente alla capacità di reddito collettiva e/o individuale: oggi la qualità della vita si misura in termini di qualità ambientale e sociale. Ecco dunque la necessità di uno strumento di conoscenza della città contemporanea, da allegare al Piano, in cui vengano definiti i criteri da osservare nella progettazione dello spazio urbano al fine di determinare la qualità e il benessere dell’ambiente costruito, inteso come benessere generalizzato, nel suo significato di “qualità dello star bene”. E’ evidente che per raggiungere tale livello di qualità e benessere è necessario provvedere al soddisfacimento da una parte degli aspetti macroscopici del funzionamento sociale e del tenore di vita attraverso gli indicatori di reddito, occupazione, povertà, criminalità, abitazione, istruzione, etc.; dall’altra dei bisogni primari, elementari e di base, e di quelli secondari, culturali e quindi mutevoli, trapassando dal welfare state allo star bene o well being personale, alla wellness in senso olistico, tutte espressioni di un desiderio di bellezza mentale e fisica e di un nuovo rapporto del corpo con l’ambiente, quindi manifestazione concreta di un’esigenza di ben-essere individuale e collettivo. Ed è questa esigenza, nuova e difficile, che crea la diffusa sensazione dell’inizio di una nuova stagione urbana, molto più di quanto facciano pensare le stesse modifiche fisiche della città.

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Arachnomelia is a monogenic recessive defect of skeletal development in cattle. The causative mutation was previously mapped to a approximately 7 Mb interval on chromosome 5. Here we show that array-based sequence capture and massively parallel sequencing technology, combined with the typical family structure in livestock populations, facilitates the identification of the causative mutation. We re-sequenced the entire critical interval in a healthy partially inbred cow carrying one copy of the critical chromosome segment in its ancestral state and one copy of the same segment with the arachnomelia mutation, and we detected a single heterozygous position. The genetic makeup of several partially inbred cattle provides extremely strong support for the causality of this mutation. The mutation represents a single base insertion leading to a premature stop codon in the coding sequence of the SUOX gene and is perfectly associated with the arachnomelia phenotype. Our findings suggest an important role for sulfite oxidase in bone development.

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The main goal of this project was to identity whether an imported system of social policy can be suitable for a host country, and if not why not. Romanian social policy concerning the mentally disabled represents a paradoxical situation in that while social policy is designed to ensure both an institutional structure and a juridical environment, in practice it is far from successful. The central question which Ms. Ciumageanu asked therefore was whether this failure was due to systemic factors, or whether the problem lay in reworking an imported social policy system to meet local needs. She took a comparative approach, also considering both the Scandinavian model of social policy, particularly the Danish model which has been adopted in Romania, and the Hungarian system, which has inherited a similar universal welfare system and perpetuated it to some extent. In order to verify her hypothesis, she also studied the transformation of the welfare system in Great Britain, which meant a shift from state responsibility towards community care. In all these she concentrated on two major aspects: the structural design within the different countries and, at a micro level, the societal response. Following her analyses of the various in the other countries concerned, Ms. Ciumageanu concluded that the major differences lie first in the difference between the stages of policy design. Here Denmark is the most advanced and Romania the most backwards. Denmark has a fairly elaborate infrastructure, Britain a system with may gaps to bridge, and Hungary and Romania are struggling with severe difficulties owing both to the inherited structure and the limits imposed by an inadequate GDP. While in Denmark and Britain, mental patients are integrated into an elaborate system of care, designed and administered by the state (in Denmark) or communities (in Britain), in Hungary and Romania, the state designs and fails to implement the policy and community support is minimal, partly due to the lack of a fully developed civil society. At the micro level the differences are similar. While in Denmark and Britain there is a consensus about the roles of the state and of civil societies (although at different levels in the two countries, with the state being more supportive in Denmark), in Romania and to a considerable extent in Hungary, civil society tends to expect too much from the state, which in its turn is withdrawing faster from its social roles than from its economic ones, generating a gap between the welfare state and the market economy and disadvantaging the expected transition from a welfare state to a welfare society and, implicitly, the societal response towards those mentally disabled persons in it. On an intermediate level, the factors influencing social policy as a whole were much the same for Hungary and Romania. Economic factors include the accumulated economic resources of both state and citizens, and the inherited pattern of redistribution, as well as the infrastructure; institutional resources include the role of the state and the efficiency of the state bureaucracy, the strength and efficiency of the state apparatus, political stability and the complexity of political democratisation, the introduction of market institutions, the strength of civil society and civic sector institutions. From the standpoint of the societal response, some factors were common to all countries, particularly the historical context, the collective and institutional memories and established patterns of behaviour. In the specific case of Romania, general structural and environmental factors - industrialisation and forced urbanisation - have had a definite influence on family structure, values and behavioural patterns. The analysis of Romanian social policy revealed several causes for failure to date. The first was the instability of the policy and the failure to consider the structural network involved in developing it, rather than just the results obtained. The second was the failure to take into account the relationship between the individual and the group in all its aspects, followed by the lack of active assistance for prevention, re-socialisation or professional integration of persons with mental disabilities. Finally, the state fails to recognise its inability to support an expensive psychiatric enterprise and does not provide any incentive to the private sector. This creates tremendous social costs for both the state and the individual. NGOs working in the field in Romania have been somewhat more successful but are still limited by their lack of funding and personnel and the idea of a combined system is as yet utopian in the circumstances in the country.

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The focus of the study was to identify variables that African American women who delivered at a teaching hospital in Houston, Harris County, Texas, between January 12, 1998 and April 24, 1998 perceived to prevent them from receiving adequate prenatal care. The research was based on Aday and Andersen's Framework for the Study of Access to Medical Care. A self-administered questionnaire, using realized and potential access indicators, was developed and administered to 161 African American patients at the study hospital. ^ The objectives of the study were (1) to describe the demographic characteristics of African American women who delivered at a large urban teaching hospital between January 12, 1998 and April 24, 1998; and to determine the relationships between (2) predisposing factors such as age, race, educational level, marital status, family structure, social support and attitude toward prenatal care and prenatal care utilization; (3) enabling factors such as income, employment, insurance status, transportation, appointment, and regular source of care; (4) need factors such as perceived health status, number of past pregnancies, pregnancy occurrence; and (5) the relative importance of predisposing, enabling and need factors as predictors of utilization of prenatal care. The indicators of prenatal care utilization examined included the trimester in which the women initiated prenatal care, number of visits, and numbers and types of services received during pregnancy. Barriers cited included low income and inadequate insurance coverage, problems of transportation and child care, unawareness of pregnancy, delays in the scheduling of appointments, and having too many other problems. ^ The results of the study have implications for well-defined public health promotion campaigns, social support system enhancement, and appointment scheduling reform with an emphasis on prenatal care. ^

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The late eighteenth-century author Frances Burney is best known for popularizing the “comedy of manners,” a literary style later adopted by Jane Austen. Burney’s novels, journals, and plays offer an intriguing commentary on contemporary social customs and etiquette. In particular, she voices the concerns and desires of women, leading scholars to focus on the feminist overtones of her writing. Although she carefully examined female roles in the household and family structure, Burney also provided an insider’s perspective into London high life. As an acclaimed author and member of the royal court, Burney offers a rare insight into the lives of the urban elite. For these reasons, I have chosen to examine three of her works within the context of their London setting. In Evelina, Cecilia, and The Witlings, Burney examines women’s struggle for independence against the backdrop of the city. These works offer a new interpretation of the female Bildungsroman, or coming of age story. Burney shows how London life influences her heroines’ expectations, ambitions and desires. Evelina’s coming of age centers around the quest for family and social acceptance, while the two Cecilias of Cecilia and The Witlings confront the financial pressures that accompany their inheritance. Ultimately, the three protagonists learn important lessons that are specific to city life. Although Burney concludes each story with the heroine’s marriage, her focus is not on romance, as has been suggested, but on the cultural landscape of the city. Coming of age in her stories is inextricably connected to the diverse challenges and opportunities presented to urban women.

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Objective. To examine associations between parental monitoring and adolescent alcohol/drug use. ^ Methods. 981 7th grade students from 10 inner-city middle schools were surveyed at the 3 month follow-up of an HIV, STD, and pregnancy prevention program. Data from 549 control subjects were used for analyses. Multinomial logistic regression was used to examine associations between five parental monitoring variables and substance use, coded as: low risk [never drank alcohol or used drugs (0)], moderate risk [drank alcohol, no drug use (1)], and high risk [both drank alcohol and used drugs or just used drugs (2)]. ^ Results. Participants were 58.3% female, 39.6% African American, 43.8% Hispanic, mean age 13.3 years. Lifetime alcohol use was 47.9%. Lifetime drug use was 14.9%. Adjusted for gender, age, race, and family structure, each individual parental monitoring variable (perceived parental monitoring, less permissive parental monitoring, greater supervision (public places), greater supervision (teen clubs), and less time spent with older teens) was significant and protective for the moderate and high risk groups. When all 5 variables were entered into a single model, only perceived parental monitoring was significantly associated (OR=0.40, 95% CI 0.29-0.55) for the moderate risk group. For the high risk group, 3 variables were significantly protective (perceived parental monitoring OR=0.28, CI 0.18-0.42, less time spent with older teens OR=0.75, CI 0.60-0.93, and greater supervision (public places) OR=0.79, CI 0.64-0.99). ^ Conclusion. The association between parental monitoring and substance abuse is complex and varied for different risk levels. Implications for intervention development are addressed. ^

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In light of dramatic changes in American family demography in recent decades, there is a growing recognition that family structure is one of a host of important social factors contributing to children’s health and well-being. The article by Augustine and Kimbro contributes to a growing body of research linking children’s family structure and health outcomes, focusing specifically on the association between family living arrangements and children’s risk of obesity. Their analyses are especially helpful in suggesting that family scholars should pay more attention to potential heterogeneity in relationships between family structure and children’s outcomes.

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Este trabajo analiza las creencias mitológicas, agüeros o supersticiones asociadas con las actividades agropecuarias y de conservación en nueve unidades productivas rurales de la cuenca media del río La Vieja, Colombia. Plantea que las gentes de antaño reconocen la influencia de múltiples relatos sobre condiciones productivas y ambientales que redundan en el éxito o el fracaso de las actividades rurales. Las creencias se clasificaron según su funcionalidad y las actividades que regulan. Se describieron así 14 mitos que influyen en las actividades de cultivo, cría, conservación y regulación social. El principal elemento de discusión fue la funcionalidad, considerando la distribución y aplicación en los subsistemas de producción en la finca, la relación con la edad y el género y con la posición jerárquica en la estructura familiar. El flujo de información entre sistemas expertos y sistemas de creencias tradicionales ayuda a construir sistemas adaptados. A manera de ejemplo, se puede mencionar un mayordomo de un hato ganadero que combina la creencia en las fases de la luna con el empleo de la técnica genética de la inseminación artificial para asegurar no sólo la preñez de la madre sino también el género femenino de la cría.

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Este trabajo analiza las creencias mitológicas, agüeros o supersticiones asociadas con las actividades agropecuarias y de conservación en nueve unidades productivas rurales de la cuenca media del río La Vieja, Colombia. Plantea que las gentes de antaño reconocen la influencia de múltiples relatos sobre condiciones productivas y ambientales que redundan en el éxito o el fracaso de las actividades rurales. Las creencias se clasificaron según su funcionalidad y las actividades que regulan. Se describieron así 14 mitos que influyen en las actividades de cultivo, cría, conservación y regulación social. El principal elemento de discusión fue la funcionalidad, considerando la distribución y aplicación en los subsistemas de producción en la finca, la relación con la edad y el género y con la posición jerárquica en la estructura familiar. El flujo de información entre sistemas expertos y sistemas de creencias tradicionales ayuda a construir sistemas adaptados. A manera de ejemplo, se puede mencionar un mayordomo de un hato ganadero que combina la creencia en las fases de la luna con el empleo de la técnica genética de la inseminación artificial para asegurar no sólo la preñez de la madre sino también el género femenino de la cría.

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Este trabajo analiza las creencias mitológicas, agüeros o supersticiones asociadas con las actividades agropecuarias y de conservación en nueve unidades productivas rurales de la cuenca media del río La Vieja, Colombia. Plantea que las gentes de antaño reconocen la influencia de múltiples relatos sobre condiciones productivas y ambientales que redundan en el éxito o el fracaso de las actividades rurales. Las creencias se clasificaron según su funcionalidad y las actividades que regulan. Se describieron así 14 mitos que influyen en las actividades de cultivo, cría, conservación y regulación social. El principal elemento de discusión fue la funcionalidad, considerando la distribución y aplicación en los subsistemas de producción en la finca, la relación con la edad y el género y con la posición jerárquica en la estructura familiar. El flujo de información entre sistemas expertos y sistemas de creencias tradicionales ayuda a construir sistemas adaptados. A manera de ejemplo, se puede mencionar un mayordomo de un hato ganadero que combina la creencia en las fases de la luna con el empleo de la técnica genética de la inseminación artificial para asegurar no sólo la preñez de la madre sino también el género femenino de la cría.

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The understanding of public perception to climate change is an essential factor in the development of adaptation policies. In the Mediterranean, agriculture, as the largest consumer of freshwater, has the highest potential to suffer adverse impacts of climate change. Future water availability predictions, conflicting interests among stakeholders and an increasing social concern about the environment further aggravate the situation. Therefore studying public support for adaptation policies can play a key role in successfully adapting the sector. The study site, approximately 36,000 hectares of rice fields in Seville (Spain), exemplifies an area in the Mediterranean where water needs to be carefully re-allocated in view of the limitations anticipated by climate change scenarios; in particular where conflicts will arise between water for agriculture and water for ‘natural’ ecosystems. This paper proposes an ex-ante evaluation of the societal support for adaptation policies. A survey of 117 respondents was conducted and a Logit model utilized to analyze which predictors positively or negatively affect people's support for adaptation policies. Results suggest that the main barriers to support these policies were economic losses and low climate change concern whereas the primary motivation factor was environmental commitment. Additionally, the main socio-demographic determinants were gender, age, education and family structure. In order to improve societal support for climate change adaptation policies, implementing educational and awareness raising initiatives will be the main challenges for policy makers to overcome.