1000 resultados para Ensenyament universitari -- Unió Europea, Països de la


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La publicació que teniu a les mans recull el material que es presenta a la jornada del 16 d’abril de 2008 Perfils de titulació:una mostra, i és fruit del treball que diversos equips de professors de diferents titulacions han fet, i continuen fent, per tal de definir el perfil dels nous títols de la UdG a partir de la formulació de les competències que han d’assolir els estudiants. La finalitat d’aquest recull és que el treball realitzat per equips dels diferents àmbits de coneixement en els quals s’insereixen els estudis que s’imparteixen a la UdG pugui servir, si no de model, sí de mostra de com s’està treballant a la UdG per formular les competències per tal que siguin avaluables de manera fàcil i operativa, tal com es planteja al Real Decreto 1393 de 29 d’octubre de 2007

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El Consell de Govern núm. 5/09, de 28 de maig de 2009, va aprovar la normativa de sistemes d’avaluació dels estudiants en els estudis oficials de grau de la Universitat de Girona. En aquesta normativa es declara, entre altres precisions, que “atès que l’aprenentatge és un procés, els sistemes d’avaluació utilitzats a la UdG es basen en els principis de l’avaluació contínua”. A partir d’aquesta referència a la normativa, es presenta aquí un text que pot servir d’ajuda en relació amb aquesta modalitat d’avaluació, que ofereix avantatges per a l’alumnat i també per a la satisfacció de la funció docent del professorat. D’altra banda, en el quadern de la Guia per a l’adaptació a l’espai europeu dedicat a l’avaluació de l’aprenentatge s’insistia en una idea que vol presidir la redacció d’aquest document: l’avaluació ha de ser sostenible, en el sentit que no pot comportar per al professorat una sobrecàrrega en la seva activitat docent

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According to the account of the European Union (EU) decision making proposed in this paper, this is a bargaining process during which actors shift their policy positions with a view to reaching agreements on controversial issues.

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The paper is divided into four sections. The first offers a critical assessment of explanations of both rationalist and constructivist approaches currently dominating European studies and assesses the notion of path dependence. The second and third sections analyse the role of both material interests and polity ideas in EU enlargement to Turkey, and conclude that explanations exclusively based on either strategic calculations or values and identities have significant shortcomings. The fourth section examines the institutional path of Turkey's candidacy to show how the course of action begun at Helsinki restricted the range of possible and legitimate options three years later in Copenhagen.

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As a consequence of the terrorist attacks of 9/11 and the US-led war against Iraq, WMD and their proliferation have become a central element of the EU security agenda. In December 2003, the European Council adopted even a EU Strategy against Proliferation of WMD. The approach adopted in this Strategy can be largely described as a ‘cooperative security provider’ approach and is based on effective multilateralism, the promotion of a stable international and regional environment and the cooperation with key partners. The principal objective of this paper is to examine in how far the EU has actually implemented the ‘cooperative security provider’ approach in the area which the Non-proliferation Strategy identifies as one of its priorities – the Mediterranean. Focusing on the concept of security interdependence, the paper analyses first the various WMD dangers with which the EU is confronted in the Mediterranean area. Afterwards, it examines how the EU has responded to these hazards in the framework of the Barcelona process and, in particular, the new European Neighbourhood Policy. It is argued that despite its relatively powerful rhetoric, the EU has largely failed, for a wide range of reasons, to apply effectively its non-proliferation approach in the Mediterranean area and, thus, to become a successful security provider.

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The European Neighbourhood Policy’s birth has taken place in parallel with the renewed momentum of the European Security and Defence Policy, which has launched 14 operations since 2003. Both policies’ instruments have converged in the neighbouring area covered by ENP: Georgia, in the East and the Palestinian Territories in the South. In both cases, the Security Sector Reform strategies have been the main focus for ESDP and an important objective for ENP. In this paper, two objectives are pursued: first, to assess the EU’s involvement in both cases in SSR terms; and second, to analyse whether the convergence of ESDP operations with a broader EU neighbourhood policy implies that the former has become an instrument for the a EU external action.

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The aim of this article is to analyse those situations in which learning and socialisation take place within the context of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), in particular, at the level of experts in the Council Working Groups. Learning can explain the institutional development of CFSP and changes in the foreign policies of the Member States. Some scope conditions for learning and channels of institutionalisation are identified. Socialisation, resulting from learning within a group, is perceived as a strategic action by reflective actors. National diplomats, once they arrive in Brussels, learn the new code of conduct of their Working Groups. They are embedded in two environments and faced with two logics: the European one in the Council and the national one in the Ministries of Foreign Affairs (MFA). The empirical evidence supports the argument that neither rational nor sociological approaches alone can account for these processes.

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The paper analyses how the EU foreign policy towards Georgia changed after the Rose Revolution, reaching greater levels of involvement and assistance. It is argued that the pro-western and reformist new government in Georgia triggered a new orientation in the EU foreign policy towards the country based on a logic of appropriateness, that is EU´s values, in addition to energy interests. Comparative analysis in the Southern-Caucasus and other Eastern-European countries shows how reformist and pro-EU governments receive more EU support and assistance. This does not mean that material interest do not play an important role. However, the EU seems to be coherent with its values when regarding the European neighbourhood.

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La IV Cumbre Unión Europea – América Latina y el Caribe (UE-ALC), celebrada en Viena los días 11, 12 y 13 de mayo, estuvo marcada por una creciente polarización interna latinoamericana, por los problemas europeos para definir un liderazgo sobre el futuro del proyecto de integración y por la crisis global de energía.

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Resum de l'informe "Participació de Catalunya en convocatòries del 7è Programa marc d'R+D de la UE. Període 2007-2009" elaborat per investigadors del Grup de Recerca AQR - Institut de Recerca en Economia Aplicada (IREA) de la Universitat de Barcelona, que pretén donar a conèixer la realitat de la participació catalana en el 7è Programa Marc de la Unió Europea, el principal instrument europeu de finançament de la recerca, durant el període 2007-2009.

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At the end of 2008 the Convention on Cluster Munitions (CCM) that outlawed almost all types of cluster munitions was signed. It was the product of the so-called Oslo process, which had been set up two years earlier as a reaction to the failure to add a new protocol banning cluster munitions to the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons (CCW). The position of the EU in these two processes was ambivalent: on the one hand it belonged to the strongest proponents for a new protocol within the CCW, but on the other hand the member states were in general not able to act jointly in the Oslo Process. According to this working paper especially the aspect of national security and the related relationship to the United States influenced the stances of many member states and complicated the formation of a common European position. There were common normative values of the EU detected, which played a role in the CCW, but they were only secondary to other interests of the member states.