820 resultados para Election Campaigns, Televised News Coverage, Australia
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La tesi si propone come obiettivo di dimostrare nel quadro di un’indagine comparatistica l’importanza della tematica del finanziamento della politica, del rapporto tra denaro e politica, nelle democrazie contemporanee. In questo senso ci si propone di sviluppare i nessi esistenti nell’ambito del tema del finanziamento fra disciplina dei partiti, disciplina delle campagne elettorali e, più in generale, disciplina del sistema elettorale in senso stretto e della forma di governo; di descrivere il complesso quadro giuridico in materia di diritto della finanza politica, oggetto di frequenti aggiornamenti e in continua evoluzione, in alcuni casi anche in via giurisprudenziale, quale risulta emergere dallo studio di ciascun ordinamento considerato; e di definire in conclusione i precisi contorni dei due distinti modelli di «finanziamento della politica» ricostruiti dalla ricerca politologica come modello statalista o pubblico, da una parte, e modello liberale o volontario, dall’altra, pur nelle specificità di ogni contesto istituzionale
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In der Arbeit wird die Wahlbeteiligung bei Europawahlen analysiert. Es geht um die Beantwortung der Frage, ob die individuelle Wahlteilnahme in alten und neuen EU-Mitgliedsstaaten bzw. alten und jungen Demokratien auf die gleichen Erklärungsgrößen zurückgeht oder ob möglicherweise Unterschiede zwischen beiden Ländergruppen bestehen. rnAls Bezugspunkt dient die Europawahl, die im Juni 2009 stattfand: Bei dieser Wahl fällt nicht nur die generell niedrige Beteiligung auf, sondern auch erhebliche Niveauunterschiede zwischen den einzelnen Mitgliedsstaaten. Um diesen Befund erklären zu können, wird zunächst ein theoretisches Erklärungsmodell entwickelt, das sich auf die folgenden fünf Dimensionen bezieht: politisches System der EU, europäische politische Gemeinschaft, Wählermobilisierung während des Europawahlkampfes, Gewohnheitswahl und Einschätzung der staatlichen sowie der eigenen wirtschaftlichen Lage. Als Erklärungsgröße werden in den fünf Bereichen jeweils unterschiedlich stark ausgeprägte Defizite in den beiden Ländergruppen angenommen. rnExemplarisch werden Deutschland und Polen untersucht. Die empirischen Analysen basieren auf dem umfangreichen Datensatz der European Election Study 2009 (ESS), hier werden die Daten der Voter Study verwendet. Nicht alle Hypothesen lassen sich im Rahmen der Arbeit bestätigten, nur ein Teil der unabhängigen Variablen hat auch im multivariaten Modell noch einen Einfluss auf die Europawahlbeteiligung. rnFür Deutschland zeigen die Ergebnisse, dass Wahlnorm und Wählermobilisierung einen größeren Effekt auf die Stimmabgabe ausüben als die Nutzenseite (Effektivität) der Wahlen. Im zweiten Modell, das für die polnischen Befragten berechnet wurde, erweisen sich nur zwei der unabhängigen Variablen als signifikant, d.h. nur die Einschätzung der Effektivität der Wahl und die internalisierte Wahlnorm haben einen Einfluss auf die Wahlteilnahme. Von der Effektivitätseinstufung geht eine größere Erklärungskraft aus als von der Wahlnorm; in diesem Modell überwiegt folglich die Nutzenseite der Europawahl. Es kann gezeigt werden, dass die unterschiedlichen Beteiligungsraten in den beiden Staaten durch unterschiedlich stark ausgeprägte Defizite in den Bereichen des politischen Systems und der Wahlnorm zustande kommen. Die Defizite sind in Polen stärker ausgeprägt und können so die niedrigere Wahlbeteiligung erklären. Darüber hinaus kann resümiert werden, dass die Nutzenseite der Europawahl in Polen einen stärkeren Einfluss auf die Beteiligung ausübt als in Deutschland.
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We analyze the market for online and offline media in a model of two-dimensional spatial competition where media outlets sell content and advertising space. Consumer preferences are distributed along the style and type of news coverage where the distance costs may vary across dimensions. For integrated provision of online and offline platforms we show that entering the online market reduces average profits and may even constitute a prisoner's dilemma. Specialized provision may yield polarization in the style and type dimensions. This is in contrast to the maximum–minimum differentiation result previously established in the literature on multidimensional horizontal competition. We show that maximal differentiation in both dimensions occurs due to the discrete nature of the type dimension and asymmetric advertising markets.
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Este trabajo coloca su foco de atención en la intervención de arquitectos, planificadores, urbanistas y ‘hacedores de ciudad’ en la creación de espacios de memoria sobre la última dictadura militar en la Argentina. A través del análisis de la creación del Parque de la Memoria en la Ciudad de Buenos Aires se mostrará cómo estos espacios se insertan en programas de reforma del espacio urbano que involucran desde dirigentes políticos en campaña electoral hasta la participación de expertos y especialistas en la gestión de la ciudad y cómo la intervención de este universo de agentes – y sus propias representaciones y lógicas de actuación – van a incidir en la manera en que estos espacios de memoria son concebidos, gestados e implementados. Mostraré cómo, dentro de este mundo de relaciones, la memoria y el olvido se vuelven categorías significativas en el marco de sus propias disputas por definir qué es la ciudad, quiénes pertenecen a ella y quiénes son los actores legítimos para intervenir en su definición. A través de esta intervención urbana - la creación del Parque de la Memoria - un área marginal de la ciudad ha sido convertida en un espacio sagrado para conmemorar a las víctimas del Terrorismo de Estado y en un paseo público donde los vecinos de la ciudad realizan diversas actividades recreativas.
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Este estudo trata da investigação das estratégias de propaganda política utilizadas nos programas de TV de Roberto Peixoto e de Antônio Mário Mattos Ortiz, que concorreram às eleições para prefeito do município de Taubaté-SP, no ano de 2004. O objetivo central da pesquisa é entender a interferência dos modelos globais da propaganda política de TV no contexto local, em uma época em que se tornou comum a contratação de agências de publicidade de renome para a realização de campanhas eleitorais em cidades do interior. Utilizou-se, como metodologia, pesquisas histórica, documental e bibliográfica, além de análise de conteúdo dos programas de TV de ambos os candidatos e entrevistas semi-estruturadas com políticos e profissionais da área de marketing político. Dentre as principais contribuições, verificou-se que a vitória nas urnas no contexto local deve-se mais ao carisma de determinados líderes políticos, bem como aos aspectos históricos, culturais e sociológicos da localidade em questão do que à mágica anunciada pelo mercado publicitário quanto às estratégias globais da propaganda política na televisão.
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El tratamiento informativo de los Juegos Paralímpicos de 2008 en los medios españoles aparece ligado casi exclusivamente a los valores asociados al universo deportivo, según un estudio previo. Los paralímpicos son atletas, no personas con discapacidad. Ni se tendió al sensacionalismo ni se ofreció una imagen estereotipada. Debido a la particularidad del acontecimiento, también desaparecen reivindicaciones y problemas. Se trata de información deportiva en la que importa el resultado, los éxitos, las medallas. Para profundizar en la comprensión de la representación televisiva de los deportistas con discapacidad, el objeto de estudio es ahora la información televisiva al margen de la dinámica noticiosa de la cobertura diaria de los Juegos. El análisis de otro tipo de piezas, reportajes, ha permitido descubrir marcas tendentes a la estereotipación vinculadas al campo semántico periodístico, aquel que se hace visible a través del uso de recursos que propician la emotividad y la espectacularización. Emergen las historias de vida y detalles íntimos. Los protagonistas muestran una gran autoestima y una autoidentidad positiva al alejarse de las representaciones sociales habituales de la discapacidad.
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Introducción. Las discusiones sobre la necesidad de conservación del virus de la viruela en 1999 pusieron de actualidad una enfermedad erradicada veinte años atrás. El escenario de alarma internacional creado tras los incidentes del 11-S en EE.UU vino a resituar a la viruela como potencial candidata para ser utilizada como arma bioterrorista. La consecuencia directa fue la reactivación de una vacuna que permanecía en el olvido y cuyos destinatarios iniciales eran los cuerpos de seguridad estadounidenses. España también se interesó por adquirir la vacuna antivariólica. El objetivo de este estudio es valorar la cobertura mediática que la viruela obtuvo en nuestro país. Métodos. Revisión sistemática en la base documental Dow Jones Factiva de las noticias publicadas durante el periodo 1999-2004 en los cuatro diarios de mayor tirada nacional (ABC, El Mundo, El País y La Vanguardia), utilizando como palabra clave “viruela”. Se efectuó un análisis cuantitativo y cualitativo de los datos obtenidos. Resultados. Se analizaron 416 noticias. El Mundo, con un total de 158 (37.98%), fue el diario con más publicaciones. El mayor número de noticias (152, 36,5%) se editaron en 2003, coincidiendo con la adquisición de vacunas por España. El tipo de mensajes emitidos fue variable a lo largo del sexenio, predominando los relacionados con “diplomacia y política”, “riesgo epidemiológico”, “bioterrorismo” y “vacuna”, concentrados en años diferentes. Conclusiones. La alarma creada en torno a la vacunación antivariólica fue un fenómeno mediático que obedeció a cuestiones de estrategia política más que a un problema real de salud pública.
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The aim of this research paper is to analyse the key political posters made for the campaigns of Irish political party Fianna Fáil framed in the Celtic Tiger (1997-2008) and post-Celtic Tiger years (2009-2012). I will then focus on the four posters of the candidate in the elections that took place in 1997, 2002, 2007 and 2011 with the intention of observing first how the leader is represented, and later on pinpointing the similarities and possible differences between each. This is important in order to observe the main linguistic and visual strategies used to persuade the audience to vote that party and to highlight the power of the politician. Critical discourse analysis tools will be helpful to identify the main discursive strategies employed to persuade the Irish population to vote in a certain direction. Van Leeuwen’s (2008) social actor theory will facilitate the understanding of how participants are represented in the corpus under analysis. Finally, the main tools of Kress and van Leeuwen’s visual grammar (2006) will be applied for the analysis of the images. The study reveals that politicians are represented in a consistently positive way, with status and formal appearance so that people are persuaded to vote for the party they represent because they trust them as political leaders. The study, thus, points out that the poster is a powerful tool used in election campaigns to highlight the power of political parties.
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My thesis thinks through the ways Newtonian logics require linear mobility in order to produce narratives of progress. I argue that this linear mobility, and the resulting logics, potentially erases the chaotic and non-linear motions that are required to navigate a colonial landscape. I suggest that these non-linear movements produce important critiques of the seeming stasis of colonial constructs and highlight the ways these logics must appear neutral and scientific in an attempt to conceal the constant and complex adjustments these frameworks require. In order to make room for these complex motions, I develop a quantum intervention. Specifically, I use quantum physics as a metaphor to think through the significance of black life, the double-consciousness ofland, and the intricate motions of sound. In order to put forth this intervention, I look at news coverage of Hurricane Katrina, Du Bois’s characterization of land in Souls of Black Folks, and the aural mobilities of blackness articulated in an academic discussion and interview about post- humanism.
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The results of parliamentary elections in seven German federal states, ongoing since early 2011, show the collapse of the existing order on the German political scene, both on a national level and on the level of the individual federal states. So far, the federal states have been governed by one of the catch-all parties1 – i.e. the Christian Democrats or Social Democrats – in coalitions with smaller partners – the FDP and the Greens, respectively2. This year’s elections have fully revealed the extent of social transformation in Germany and its impact on voting preferences and the hitherto stable party system in this country. The largest and most popular parties so far – the CDU and the SPD – are losing the voters’ confidence and support, whereas the parties associated with protest movements (such as the Greens) are gaining prominence. Moreover, the German political scene is undergoing increasing fragmentation, as new small, local groups are appearing who have no political aspirations at the federal level but who are attractive to voters acting as successful groups of common cause. The changes in the existing balance of power on the German political scene are being sped up by the specific features of the federal system. Elections to the parliaments of the federal states are held at regular intervals which increasingly affects policies on the national level. The key decisions that concern domestic and foreign affairs are made under the pressure of constant election campaigns.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Starting from a number of general tenets about radical political parties, this article examines the Front National (FN) in relation to its core policy issue of immigration. To what extent has FN immigration policy been defined from the outset by its radicalism? Has that radicalism been constant or variable over time? And how far can a reciprocal influence be detected between the FN and the center Right in immigration policy formulation? Focusing on election campaigns, manifestos, and key moments in the FN's evolution, the article assesses how the party has tailored its radicalism to contextual factors and tactical considerations. It reveals an FN less bound to a fixed policy and more ready to seek accommodation (with circumstance, public opinion, or the center Right) than is generally acknowledged. Conversely, it also assesses how the FN's mobilization of strong support on the immigration issue has had radicalizing effects on the center Right. The article concludes by considering whether the change of leadership in January 2011 might confine the FN to the radical Right or see it adopt a more center-oriented course.
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This thesis aims to investigate the space of radio reporting and production conditions in radio newscasts in commercial stations operating in modulated frequency (FM) in the city of Natal, Rio Grande do Norte. Through preliminary empirical observation, it was observed that this journalistic style (radio reportage) is hardly present in the schedule of local commercial radio stations, with a lack of in-depth news coverage. The research is based on the content broadcast in four daily radio news programs transmitted by commercial stations. It raises the hypothesis that the crisis that cuts across journalistic companies could be justified by the lack of financial funding in in-depth news reporting. The starting point for the case study (Yin, 2005) was a bibliographical research, for building a theoretical model of reference for the studied style, based on Prado (1989), Bespalhok (2006), Meditsch (2007), Lopes (2013) and Ferraretto (2014). The methodology also included listening to content broadcast during a week in the four analyzed news programs, participant observation and interviews with professionals who produce these programs. There were eight events with similar characteristics to radio reporting, all broadcast in just one of the analyzed programs. According to the interviewees, the format is rarely used because it would generate high businesses costs, which are prohibitively high for the stations. The research also inferred that besides the lack of entrepreneurial vision, there is accommodation of the professionals who could produce news stories even with little structure available. Finally, this work points out the need to invest more on local radio journalism to improve the quality of the information provided on commercial broadcasters in Natal and the training of journalism students to use radio's potential to maximum use.
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My thesis thinks through the ways Newtonian logics require linear mobility in order to produce narratives of progress. I argue that this linear mobility, and the resulting logics, potentially erases the chaotic and non-linear motions that are required to navigate a colonial landscape. I suggest that these non-linear movements produce important critiques of the seeming stasis of colonial constructs and highlight the ways these logics must appear neutral and scientific in an attempt to conceal the constant and complex adjustments these frameworks require. In order to make room for these complex motions, I develop a quantum intervention. Specifically, I use quantum physics as a metaphor to think through the significance of black life, the double-consciousness ofland, and the intricate motions of sound. In order to put forth this intervention, I look at news coverage of Hurricane Katrina, Du Bois’s characterization of land in Souls of Black Folks, and the aural mobilities of blackness articulated in an academic discussion and interview about post- humanism.