950 resultados para Educacional practices. Collective action. Social actor. Participation. Dialogue
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Cette recherche explore le sens que la « génération de l’information » (20-35 ans) donne à l’engagement. Alors que sociologues et médias ont longtemps brandi des chiffres alarmants concernant la désaffection électorale des jeunes et leur rejet des associations ou groupes de pression usuels, le développement du Web 2.0 semble donner lieu à de nouvelles formes d’action visant le changement social, qui sont particulièrement prisées par les jeunes. Analysant leur recours à des pratiques de manifestations éclairs (flash mobs), de cyberdissidence, l’utilisation du micro-blogging et des réseaux Facebook et Twitter dans le cadre de mobilisations récentes, des enquêtes suggèrent qu’elles témoignent d’une nouvelle culture de la participation sociale et politique, qui appelle à repenser les façons de concevoir et de définir l’engagement. Or, si nous assistons à une transformation profonde des répertoires et des modes d’action des jeunes, il demeure difficile de comprendre en quoi et comment l’utilisation des TIC influence leur intérêt ou motivation à « agir ». Que veut dire s’engager pour les jeunes aujourd’hui ? Comment perçoivent-ils le contexte social, politique et médiatique ? Quelle place estiment-ils pouvoir y occuper ? Soulignant l’importance du sens que les acteurs sociaux donnent à leurs pratiques, la recherche s’éloigne des perspectives technocentristes pour explorer plus en profondeur la façon dont de jeunes adultes vivent, expérimentent et interprètent l’engagement dans le contexte médiatique actuel. La réflexion s’ancre sur une observation empirique et deux séries d’entretiens en profondeur (de groupe et individuels), menés auprès de 137 jeunes entre 2009-2012. Elle analyse un ensemble de représentations, perceptions et pratiques d’individus aux horizons et aux modes d’engagement variés, soulignant les multiples facteurs qui agissent sur la façon dont ils choisissent d’agir et les raisons qui les mènent à recourir aux TIC dans le cadre de pratiques spécifiques. À la croisée d’une multiplication des modes de participation et des modes d’interaction qui marquent l’univers social et politique des jeunes, la recherche propose de nouvelles hypothèses théoriques et une métaphore conceptuelle, le « murmure des étourneaux », pour penser la façon dont les pratiques d’affichage personnel, de relais, et d’expérimentation mises en avant par les jeunes s’arriment en réseau à celles d’autrui pour produire des « dérives culturelles » : des changements importants dans les façons de percevoir, d’agir et de penser. Loin d’une génération apathique ou technophile, les propos soulevés en entretiens suggèrent un processus réflexif de construction de sens, dont l’enjeu vise avant tout à donner l’exemple, et à penser ensemble de nouveaux possibles. La recherche permet d’offrir un éclairage qualitatif et approfondi sur ce qui caractérise la façon dont les jeunes perçoivent et définissent l’engagement, en plus d’ouvrir de nouvelles avenues pour mieux comprendre comment ils choisissent d’agir à l’ère du Web.
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Cette thèse par articles porte sur le processus de constitution de la communauté de mouvement social antiautoritaire au Québec, entre 2000 et 2010. Partant du constat de l’évolution de cet acteur politique d’inspiration anarchiste dans la province au cours de cette période, la thèse interroge les facteurs qui ont favorisé sa construction progressive autour de composantes diversifiées. Telles qu’elles se révèlent au grand jour vers la fin de la décennie, les composantes de cette communauté de mouvement social sont en effet hétérogènes au regard des enjeux qui retiennent leur attention, mais convergent néanmoins dans l’adoption de positions politiques, de stratégies d’action et de modes organisationnels caractéristiques de la perspective antiautoritaire contemporaine. Bien que l’environnement politique général dans lequel intervient la communauté antiautoritaire au Québec ait influencer son développement, la thèse démontre que les dynamiques internes à cette communauté sont celles qui ont assuré la pérennité de cet acteur politique en favorisant l’intégration de la diversité qui s’est exprimée en son sein au cours de la période étudiée. Le fait d’appréhender le mouvement antiautoritaire sous l’angle conceptuel de la communauté de mouvement social permet ainsi d’aborder le développement de cet acteur politique dans la continuité, au-delà des seuls moments publics d’interaction avec les autorités. Ce faisant, cette approche met également en lumière les facteurs endogènes qui ont contribué à son développement. Dans la lignée des travaux sur les mouvements sociaux qui proposent une perspective théorique synthétique liant la considération des aspects structurels et culturels dans l’analyse, l’étude du processus de constitution de la communauté antiautoritaire au Québec fait ressortir le rôle des dimensions organisationnelles et identitaires dans ce phénomène. Cette thèse par articles contribue à cette perspective théorique par l’application de l’approche mécanistique dans l’étude des mouvements sociaux. Celle-ci met en relief, d’une part, l’interaction de ces dimensions organisationnelles et identitaires dans la constitution de la communauté antiautoritaire et documente, d’autre part, les dynamiques qui leur sont inhérentes. Le passage graduel du mouvement antiautoritaire vers la configuration de communauté de mouvement social a ainsi été marqué, d’une part, par un processus de constitution organisationnelle qui a interagi avec le processus de démarcation identitaire en cours au sein du mouvement. D’autre part, la communauté antiautoritaire a pu se développer entre 2000 et 2010 grâce à un processus de conciliation identitaire réalisé par le travail identitaire des militants et des militantes. Ces processus ont favorisé la construction d’une identité collective fondée sur la lutte contre la pluralité des formes d’oppression, exprimée à la fois dans le discours et dans les pratiques des acteurs de la communauté antiautoritaire au Québec. La démonstration analytique proposée dans cette thèse repose sur une approche méthodologique de recherche-action participative combinant observation participante, analyse d’entretiens et étude de sources documentaires. L’interprétation empirique de la communauté antiautoritaire est basée sur un projet réalisé conjointement avec le Collectif de recherche sur l’autonomie collective (CRAC) de l’Université Concordia, à Montréal.
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Cet article propose une réflexion théorique autour de l’analyse des phénomènes de transnationalisation de l’action collective. L’approche du processus politique, approche dominante dans le champ de la transnationalisation, limite notre compréhension des pratiques de transnationalisation par sa conception du politique, du pouvoir et du changement social (partie I). Ces limites conceptuelles, qui ne sont pas nouvelles, prennent cependant une couleur particulière dans le cas des actions qui transcendent le territoire national et font resurgir la nécessité de penser l’action collective par le biais d’une « géographie » des solidarités transnationales (partie II). Finalement, nous décrivons le cas exemplaire de transnationalisation des solidarités que représente la Marche mondiale des femmes, qui contraste les apports respectifs de l’approche des processus politiques et celle proposée ici (partie III).
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El presente proyecto de grado se inscribe bajo el proyecto de Responsabilidad Social Empresarial de la línea de investigación de Realidad Empresarial de la Facultad de Administración de la Universidad del Rosario. El problema de investigación surge de dos problemas actuales, que convergen en la insostenibilidad a largo y mediano plazo de la manera en que se hacen la mayoría de los negocios hoy en día. El primer problema, es el de suficiencia, se evidencia desde el punto de vista del consumidor, el cual pareciera estar diseñado para comprar y acumular objetos y cosas que luego de un tiempo irán a parar a la basura. El segundo problema es el modelo de negocio que extrae recursos, los transforma, los comercializa de manera repetitiva y obliga al cliente a seguir comprando, olvidando que la mayoría de cosas que produce, terminan en el basurero. La deficiencia actual del consumismo insostenible y del diseño que no piensa en las generaciones futuras son dos caras de la misma moneda. Por eso es que se estudia el problema desde la perspectiva tanto del consumidor, como del productor. Las tendencias internacionales relacionadas con la sostenibilidad están llevando a los negocios por una nueva senda, la cual les dará ventajas competitivas a los adoptadores tempranos. A raíz de los problemas planteados y con el objetivo de encontrar la sostenibilidad empresarial, se estudia una posible solución para cada actor del problema. Por el lado del consumidor, se analiza la teoría que gira alrededor del consumo responsable y de cómo los consumidores tienen el poder de causar un efecto positivo con lo que mejor saben hacer: comprando (y eligiendo que comprar). Por el lado del productor se estudia un nuevo modelo de negocios llamado el sistema producto-servicio, el cual se enfoca a satisfacer necesidades de los clientes por medio de una combinación de prestación de servicios y facilitación de productos, en vez de la comercialización de estos. Es decir que en vez de vender cosas que los consumidores quieran acumular (problema de suficiencia), se les vende soluciones que satisfagan sus necesidades, reteniendo la compañía la propiedad sobre los productos que integran al servicio. Se estudia también de que maneras este modelo particular de sistemas producto-servicio puede ser recibido por los consumidores de hoy en día, tan acostumbrados al modelo actual. Se quiere explorar el sistema de productos y servicio como una alternativa empresarial perdurable que solucione los retos ambientales del siglo XXI. Para poder probar la viabilidad de este hipotético modelo que cambia los patrones de interacción de las empresas con los usuarios, se plantea una idea de negocio que integre productos y servicios para satisfacer las necesidades del cliente. Se escogió un área viii caracterizada por ser de las más consumistas y acumuladoras en cuanto al volumen de compras anual de los clientes: el negocio de la ropa. Y no solo cualquier tipo de ropa, sino el de la moda rápida, un modelo que obliga a los consumidores a comprar ropa con una frecuencia aún mayor. Se hizo esto con el objetivo de probar que el modelo propuesto puede funcionar inclusive bajo los supuestos más “consumistas” que existen hoy en día.
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Social Entrepreneurship (SE) has attracted growing interest from a wide variety of actors over the last 30 years, especially due to a general agreement that it could be an important tool for tackling many of the world’s social ills. In the academic sphere, this growing interest did not translate into a matured field of study. Quite the opposite, a quick look at this literature makes it evident that: SE has been consistently subjected to numerous theoretical discussions and disagreements, especially over the definition of the concept of SE which is often based on a taken-for-granted notion of social change; it has been more systematically investigated in restricted contexts, often leaving aside so called developing/emerging countries like Brazil and especially lacking in-depth qualitative studies; SE literature lags behind SE practices and few studies focus on how SE actually occurs in a daily and bottom-up manner. In order to address such gaps, this thesis examines how social entrepreneurship practices accomplish social change in the context of Brazil. In this investigation I conducted an inductive practice-based, qualitative/ethnographic study in three Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) located in different cities in the Brazilian state of São Paulo. Data collection lasted from February 2014 until March 2015 and was mainly done through participant observations and through in-depth unstructured conversations with research participants. Secondary data and documents were also collected whenever available. The participants of this study included a variety of the studied organizations’ stakeholders: two founders, volunteers, employees, donors and beneficiaries. Observation data was kept in fieldnotes, conversations were recorded whenever possible and were later transcribed. Data was analyzed through an iterative thematic analysis. Through this I identified eight recurrent themes in the data: (1) structure; (2) relationship with other organizational actors (sub-themes: relationship with state, relationship with businesses and relationship with other NGOs); (3) beliefs, spirituality and moral authority; (4) social position of participants, (5) stakeholders’ mobilization and participation; (6) feelings; (7) social purpose; and (8) social change. These findings were later discussed under the lens of practice theory, and in this discussion I argue and show that, in the context studied: (a) even though SE embraces a wide variety of different social purposes, they are intertwined with a common notion of social change based on a general understanding and aspiration for social equality; (b) this social change is accomplished in a processual and ongoing manner as stakeholders from antagonistic social groups felt compelled to and participated in SE practices. In answering the proposed research question the contributions of this thesis are: (i) the elaboration a working definition for SE based on its relationship with social change; (ii) providing in-depth empirical evidence which accounts for and explains this relationship; (iii) characterizing SE in the Brazilian context and reflecting upon its transferability to other contexts. This thesis also makes a methodological contribution, for it demonstrates how thematic analysis can be used in practice-based studies.
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The objective of this dissertation is understand the relationships built between subjects who occupy buildings in a state of abandonment to revitalize them - called okupas, noting which individuals construct such meanings on the practice of occupation and how to organize the construction and maintenance of a collective life project. Having the Okupa Squat Torém, located in the neighborhood of Fatima in the southern city of Fortaleza-CE, as locus and observed through the ethnographic method, followed the social practices of urban segment. I invested in a data collection revealed that the custom of okupas and their domestic habits, inside and outside of okupa, emphasizing the interaction situations, like most appropriate occasions to observe the constant negotiation and refinement of his cunning to intervene in the city . Among the objectives of this research, the main thing is to observe which senses are assigned to the practice of the occupation by okupas. For this, reflecting from the specifics of this urban phenomenon and talking mostly with the tradition of research in the field of anthropology, I tried to address some issues regarding the practice of okupação and organization of the group, which the principles and movements that make these contacts with city etc. The appropriation made by the subjects on the urban space here means understanding them as a cultural expression of a number of collective values, resulting from experience and perception of okupas like themselves. The intention is to show how this practice intervention and collective action has appeared in contemporary times and how my ethnography can contribute to a dialogue on the practices of mobilization and update of the city, considering the Theory of Recognition Axel Honneth (2003) as an analytical category useful to describe the forms of reciprocity experienced by okupas
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This proposal is to search, investigate practical experience in environmental education for the construction of Local Agenda 21, in the municipality of Maxaranguape-RN, attended that brought together various subject and collective social actors of civil society organizations, among them, the Center for Education and Advice Herbert de Souza - CEAHS (NGOs who serves on the council since 1999), associations of farmers and farmers in areas of settlements, teachers / as, groups of women and young people, entrepreneurs, public power, the German partner entities IBAMA. INCRA, BNB in the project of Agenda 21. They are members and participants, constituents of the Permanent Forum of Agenda 21, the main actor privileged in the search. As an object of study to identify the limits and scope of this practice, with regard to aspects of awareness / participation and awaken to an awareness of critical social subjects in the collective social and environmental perspective. The study seeks to investigate if this experience has allowed the individual and collective social subjects, understand and act in their daily life, as the changes in attitudes postures, and expand their interests to participate in various public spaces this intention, is considered the educational activities made with the principles of environmental education in the construction of Agenda 21 that have contributed in raising awareness / participation of social actors of the Permanent Forum of Agenda 21. While reference methodology, the research focuses on theoretical design Freireana with relevance on the dimensions of dialogue, critical thinking and the human dimension comprising the act as educational practice of freedom, the prospect of human emancipation and social transformation of reality, and bring other thinkers as, Carvalho (2004), Trigueiro (2003), Days (2004), among others. The investigation of this practice points to the subject of education, which ECOCIENCIA to install the Agenda 21 and its effect on demand under municipal, German, providing a change of attitudes and postures and certainly, generating a new look and act in the world, broadening their interests and desires of inserting themselves, to participate in public spheres, particularly in establishing relations with dialogical criticality with the authorities and face the demands socio-environmental locations.
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Includes bibliography
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Pós-graduação em Geografia - FCT
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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A presente tese tem como objeto de estudo o Conselho Municipal de Educação, com a finalidade de compreender o papel desempenhado por este Órgão, na gestão descentralizada da política educacional de Castanhal – PA. O problema de pesquisa circunscreve sobre a organização da gestão da política educacional do município, assim como a institucionalidade política do Colegiado em referência, para o exercício do controle social; a forma de participação da sociedade civil, especialmente as classes subalternizadas na definição, execução e avaliação das políticas educacionais; e as políticas educacionais desenvolvidas a partir de 2000 quando se inicia o processo de delegação de competência conferida ao município locus da pesquisa, até o ano de 2011, compreendendo 06 (seis) mandatos de 02 (dois) anos, o que perfaz um total de 12 (doze) anos de gestão de descentralização das políticas educacionais, com a institucionalização do Sistema Municipal de Ensino. Para tanto, estabeleceu-se como hipótese orientadora: o Conselho Municipal de Educação de Castanhal – PA, mesmo com a delegação de competência, continuou exercendo um papel que se aproxima de um controle-gerencial na gestão das políticas educacionais, em detrimento de dimensões constitutivas de controle social, quais sejam: fiscalização, proposição e avaliação. Elegeram-se como eixos de análise para a compreensão do fenômeno investigado as dimensões: técnico-fiscalizadora; político-propositiva e ético-avaliativa. Trata-se uma pesquisa qualitativa, que tem como foco um estudo de caso, cujos dados foram revelados por meio de pesquisa bibliográfico-documental, além de entrevistas com os sujeitos sociais. Os resultados da pesquisa confirmaram a hipótese de que a classe trabalhadora não conseguiu exercer o controle social, no período analisado, a partir das dimensões aventadas neste trabalho, em razão do modelo de estado gerencial burocrático, que passou a influenciar as ações e procedimentos do Órgão ora aludido. Com efeito, a dimensão técnico-fiscalizadora se encerrou ao nível micro, na gestão da política educacional, sem a participação efetiva da classe trabalhadora; a dimensão político-propositiva, por sua vez, estava muito mais relacionada à necessidade de desburocratização dos processos de credenciamento e de autorização de instituições educacionais; e a dimensão ético-avaliativa foi inviabilizada em razão de alguns problemas que foram constatados, entre os quais a metodologia utilizada para avaliação de políticas educacionais deixando, assim, de favorecer a participação mais direta dos principais usuários dos serviços educacionais.
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Esta pesquisa tem como propósito geral compreender as práticas sociais coletivas à saúde no "Assentamento Mártires de Abril" (AMA). É um estudo do tipo qualitativo, com a compreensão dos dados à luz da hermenêutica-dialética, que teve como cenário a ilha de Mosqueiro, área metropolitana de Belém, Pará; os sujeitos sociais foram em número de cinco, que aderiram espontaneamente à pesquisa. As práticas sociais coletivas à saúde no AMA são construídas e dependentes de aspectos históricos de vida, da luta do Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST), da concepção de saúde-doença e da sua relação com a terra. Concluiu-se que suas ações expressam uma forma de cuidar essencialmente orientada pelas vias naturais, propondo à enfermagem um novo modelo de atenção à saúde. Com base nos estudos efetuados, sugere-se como prática pedagógica do Curso de Enfermagem da Universidade do Estado do Pará (UEPA) um estágio de vivência com e nos movimentos sociais.
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La tesi si è consolidata nell’analisi dell’impatto dei social networks nella costruzione dello spazio pubblico, nella sfera di osservazione che è la rete e il web2.0. Osservando che il paradigma della società civile si sia modificato. Ridefinendo immagini e immaginari e forme di autorappresentazione sui new media (Castells, 2010). Nel presupposto che lo spazio pubblico “non è mai una realtà precostituita” (Innerarity, 2008) ma si muove all’interno di reti che generano e garantiscono socievolezza. Nell’obiettivo di capire cosa è spazio pubblico. Civic engagement che si rafforza in spazi simbolici (Sassen, 2008), nodi d’incontro significativi. Ivi cittadini-consumatori avanzano corresponsabilmente le proprie istanze per la debacle nei governi.. Cultura partecipativa che prende mossa da un nuovo senso civico mediato che si esprime nelle “virtù” del consumo critico. Portando la politica sul mercato. Cultura civica autoattualizzata alla ricerca di soluzioni alle crisi degli ultimi anni. Potere di una comunicazione che riduce il mondo ad un “villaggio globale” e mettono in relazione i pubblici connessi in spazi e tempi differenti, dando origine ad azioni collettive come nel caso degli Indignados, di Occupy Wall Street o di Rai per una notte. Emerge un (ri)pensare la citizenship secondo due paradigmi (Bennett,2008): l’uno orientato al governo attraverso i partiti, modello “Dutiful Citizenship”; l’altro, modello “Self Actualizing Citizenship” per cui i pubblici attivi seguono news ed eventi, percepiscono un minor obbligo nel governo, il voto è meno significativo per (s)fiducia nei media e nei politici. Mercato e società civile si muovono per il bene comune e una nuova “felicità”. La partecipazione si costituisce in consumerismo politico all’interno di reti in cui si sviluppano azioni individuali attraverso il social networking e scelte di consumo responsabile. Partendo dall’etnografia digitale, si è definito il modello “4 C”: Conoscenza > Coadesione > Co-partecipazione > Corresposabilità (azioni collettive) > Cultura-bility.
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The Bedouin of South Sinai have been significantly affected by the politics of external powers for a long time. However, never had the interest of external powers in Sinai been so strong as since the Israeli-Egyptian wars in the second half of the 20th century when Bedouin interests started to collide with Egypt’s plans for a development of luxury tourism in South Sinai. rnrnThe tourism boom that has started in the 1980s has brought economic and infrastructure development to the Bedouin and tourism has become the most important source of income for the Bedouin. However, while the absolute increase of tourists to Sinai has trickled down to the Bedouin to some extent, the participation of Bedouin in the overall tourism development is under-proportionate. Moreover, the Bedouin have become increasingly dependent on monetary income and consequently from tourism as the only significant source of income while at the same time they have lost much of their land as well as their self-determination.rnrnIn this context, the Bedouin livelihoods have become very vulnerable due to repeated depressions in the tourism industry as well as marginalization. Major marginalization processes the Bedouin are facing are the loss of land, barriers to market entry, especially increasingly strict rules and regulations in the tourism industry, as well as discrimination by the authorities. Social differentiation and Bedouin preferences are identified as further factors in Bedouin marginalization.rnrnThe strategies Bedouin have developed in response to all these problems are coping strategies, which try to deal with the present problem at the individual level. Basically no strategies have been developed at the collective level that would aim to actively shape the Bedouin’s present and future. Collective action has been hampered by a variety of factors, such as the speed of the developments, the distribution of power or the decay of tribal structures.rnWhile some Bedouin might be able to continue their tourism activities, a large number of informal jobs will not be feasible anymore. The majority of the previously mostly self-employed Bedouin will probably be forced to work as day-laborers who will have lost much of their pride, dignity, sovereignty and freedom. Moreover, with a return to subsistence being impossible for the majority of the Bedouin, it is likely that an increasing number of marginalized Bedouin will turn to illegal income generating activities such as smuggling or drug cultivation. This in turn will lead to further repression and discrimination and could escalate in a serious violent conflict between the Bedouin and the government.rnrnDevelopment plans and projects should address the general lack of civil rights, local participation and protection of minorities in Egypt and promote Bedouin community development and the consideration of Bedouin interests in tourism development.rnrnWether the political upheavals and the resignation of president Mubarak at the beginning of 2011 will have a positive effect on the situation of the Bedouin remains to be seen.rn
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Contrasting strands of explanation of the motives underlying collective action, as either culturally determined, as an attempt at compensation, point towards an understanding of identity politics as a reaction to given conditions. They pay little attention to the social dynamics that evolve in relation to the conflict within a group, and the possible motivation that can ensue from these. This article analyses the mobilisation among Hindu-nationalist organisations. Rather than seeking their attraction in their discursive outputs and the possible answers they might give in times of change, the contention is that they are to be sought in the specific internal dynamics and the possibilities they create within their historical context. These specific opportunities for action are inherent firstly in the mode of operation relying on participation and involvement, on their direct intervention, their localness and accessibility. Moreover, the dichotomisation inherent in violence makes possible the integration of different interests and different discontents under one banner and therefore contributes to the project of unification undertaken by Hindu-nationalism.