Europeanization, Conditionality and Domestic Change: The Twinning Exercise and Administrative Reform in Romania

A key requirement of the countries of central and eastern Europe (CEECs) that wish to join the EU is that they develop the administrative capacity to implement effectively the acquis communautaire. The 'twinning' programme is designed to assist in this process. Drawing on experiences in Romania, and linking these to debates on Europeanization, this article argues that the success of twinning to date is related to the design of the programme, institutional fluidity and politicization within central administration, the individual agency and the reform commitment of those hosting twinning projects.

The European Court of Human Rights and Domestic Violence

Domestic violence is an issue that affects vast numbers of women throughout the world. It seems to constitute a clear violation of at least three articles of the European Convention on Human Rights, however it has only been recognised as being a human rights issue relatively recently. Indeed, until 2007 domestic violence had not been directly addressed by the European Court of Human Rights. However, the Court has now addressed the issue in a series of recent cases. This paper discusses what positive obligations states parties to the Convention now have in relation to the issue of domestic violence. It proceeds to discuss the gaps in the Court’s jurisprudence in this area at present and how the case law of the Court may develop in the future.

The European Court of Human Rights and Domestic Violence: Valiuliene v Lithuania

This article analyses the recent jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights on the issue of domestic violence, with a particular focus on Valiuliene v Lithuania. It seems that to date the Court’s jurisprudence on this issue is somewhat inconsistent, and with Valiuliene v Lithuania the Court was given an opportunity to clarify its approach in this area. There are certainly a number of positive aspects to the Court’s judgment, however there are also difficulties with the approach of the Court in this case. Overall it is to be hoped that the judgment in Valiuliene v Lithuania will mark the beginning of a more coherent jurisprudence as regards domestic violence.

Domestic Violence as a Human Rights Issue: Rumor v. Italy

The article focuses on the recent developments as regards domestic violence within the context of the Council of Europe. Since 2007 the European Court of Human Rights has issued a series of important judgments in cases involving domestic violence. The most recent of these is Rumor v. Italy, in which the Court issued its judgment on 27 May 2014. The article analyses this case in the context of the Court’s previous jurisprudence on domestic violence. In addition, on 1 August 2014 the Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence entered into force, and the article will include a number of reflections on the potential held by this Convention. No violation of the European Convention on Human Rights was found in Rumor, however the question of whether Italy would have been in breach of the provisions of the new Convention, to which it is a party, had this Convention been in force at the time of the relevant events, will be examined.

Introduction: the impact of the 'War on Terror' on executive–legislative relations: a global perspective

In democratic polities, constitutional equilibria or balances of power between the executive and the legislature shift over time. Normative and empirical political theorists have long recognised that war, civil unrest, economic and political crises, terrorist attacks, and other events strengthen the power of the executive, disrupt and threaten constitutional politics, and damage democratic institutions: crises require swift action and executives are thought to be more capable than parliaments and legislatures of taking such actions. The terrorist attacks on New York and Washington on 11 September 2001 and the ensuing so-called 'war on terror' declared by President Bush clearly constituted a crisis, not only in the United States but also in other political systems, in part because of the US's hegemonic position in defining and shaping many other states' foreign and domestic policies. Dicey, Schmitt, and Rossiter suggest that critical events and political crises inevitably trigger the concentration of (emergency) powers in the hands of the executive. Aristotle and Machiavelli questioned the inevitability of this process. This article and the articles that follow in this Special Issue utilise empirical evidence, through the use of case studies of the United States, the United Kingdom, Russia, Australia, Israel, Italy and Indonesia, to address this debate. Specifically, the issue explores to what extent the external shock or crisis of 9/11 (and other terrorist attacks) and the ensuing 'war on terror' significantly changed the balance of executive-legislative relations from t (before the crisis) to t+1 (after the crisis) in these political systems, all of which were the targets of actual or foiled terrorist attacks. The most significant findings are that the shock of 9/11 and the 'war on terror' elicited varied responses by national executives and legislatures/parliaments and thus the balance of executive-legislative relations in different political systems; that, therefore, executive-legislative relations are positive rather than zero-sum; and that domestic political contexts conditioned these institutional responses.

Relatório de estágio na Caixa Geral de Depósitos

This report will describe the activities undertaken during my internship at the Personnel Department (DPE-UPE4.1) in Caixa Geral de Depósitos (CGD), Lisbon, between September 22, 2014, and February 28, 2015. I consider that it is important to note from the outset i) that the subject of my training was suggested by my supervisor in the DPE and accepted by me; and ii) that the internship consisted essentially of carrying out research and information gathering into the different social systems that coexist within the bank and the application of each legal system in solving concrete situations of the CGD employees. The research and analysis of information was important not only for my study but for the CGD itself, as it enables the department to have such an important matter, full of specific characteristics, condensed into a single document, i.e. this report. This is a complex reality. The various welfare systems differ according to the contractual agreement linking the employee to the employer at the date when the labour contract is signed, and also the unique/singular characteristics of the CGD. In the early stage I started by trying to understand the financial institution and its organization and role and the department where I worked. So I analyzed the CGD Statutes and the legal measures that crystallized the scheme for its employees and I also researched its domestic and international operations. The first month was devoted to the research and analysis of such legislation to understand the creation of the CGD and its path to date. In the second and third months I studied the legal social systems that are applied to different groups of CGD workers. This period was quite important to identify and understand the differences between those regimes of CGD employees as well as the procedure inherent in each case. I highlighted the non-implementation of “the social protection regime of convergence” to the workers of this institution; the differences regarding the allocation of sickness subsidies paid to workers who belong to Social Security and CGA contributors, as well as the enforcement of internal rules to all the workers when a work-related accident happens.Then I focused on to assessing and examining external legislation and several internal regulations in order to obtain solutions to questions raised and situations involving by the workers, in order to understand how the DPE solves these situations. Over the last three months of internship, after this more theoretical work, I began the analysis of concrete situations involving employees carrying out their duties in Portugal and abroad. Some of these situations had been received by the department before the beginning of my internship and others over this period. When I was “working” in the DPE I analyzed “cases” that had been solved and some others without a final solution because they were still in courts. As for the last ones (new cases) I was able to follow their assessment and sometimes their outcome. Some of them became study cases for me. Over these five months of my internship, several cases were analyzed and discussed by legal experts of DPE in which I could participate. I always worked hard. I know that this action contributed to elucidate me about the treatment of the issues, and allowed me to have a direct contact with some workers and be part of a dynamic work team. For these reasons, my internship report is not merely descriptive of activities. It consists of an analysis of rules (legislation) and a regulatory framework of activities and it is also a description of several specific situations solved or in a solution process. Through this work I intend to make known the particular reality of a modern Portuguese financial institution not only because of its importance in our country but also such a large number of employees work here (in Portugal and abroad). I should add that throughout my internship I was allowed to attend conferences, within the scope of the bank in order to get a broader view of some issues related to the daily life of the DPE and the CGD. So, I participated in I Jornadas Bancárias and the Conferência Internacional do Contrato a Termo, given that the CGD is a bank and the DPE deals with legal and labour relations.

A DYNAMIC FRAMEWORK FOR THE RELATIONS BETWEEN FOREIGN EXCHANGE RATES, SAVINGS AND INVESTMENTS

The Meese-Rogoff forecasting puzzle states that foreign exchange (FX) rates are unpredictable. Since one country’s macroeconomic conditions could affect the price of its national currency, we study the dynamic relations between the FX rates and some macroeconomic accounts. Our research tests whether the predictability of the FX rates could be improved through the advanced econometrics. Improving the predictability of the FX rates has important implications for various groups including investors, business entities and the government. The present thesis examines the dynamic relations between the FX rates, savings and investments for a sample of 25 countries from the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development. We apply quarterly data of FX rates, macroeconomic indices and accounts including the savings and the investments over three decades. Through preliminary Augmented Dickey-Fuller unit root tests and Johansen cointegration tests, we found that the savings rate and the investment rate are cointegrated with the vector (1,-1). This result is consistent with many previous studies on the savings-investment relations and therefore confirms the validity of the Feldstein-Horioka puzzle. Because of the special cointegrating relation between the savings rate and investment rate, we introduce the savings-investment rate differential (SID). Investigating each country through a vector autoregression (VAR) model, we observe extremely insignificant coefficient estimates of the historical SIDs upon the present FX rates. We also report similar findings through the panel VAR approach. We thus conclude that the historical SIDs are useless in forecasting the FX rate. Nonetheless, the coefficients of the past FX rates upon the current SIDs for both the country-specific and the panel VAR models are statistically significant. Therefore, we conclude that the historical FX rates can conversely predict the SID to some degree. Specifically, depreciation in the domestic currency would cause the increase in the SID.

L'évolution de la protection de la liberté d'association des travailleurs agricoles salariés en droit international et en droit canadien

Cette étude traite des difficultés que rencontrent les travailleurs agricoles salariés dans l’exercice de leur droit à la liberté d’association et à la négociation collective. Ils sont souvent exclus des régimes législatifs nationaux de protection des droits syndicaux ou restreints dans leur capacité de les exercer en dépit du fait qu’ils sont parmi les plus pauvres et mal nourris de la planète et donc requerraient une protection accrue. Quelles sont les causes historiques de ce traitement discriminatoire (première partie) ? Comment le droit international du travail contribue-t-il à remédier à cette situation (deuxième partie) ? En quoi est-ce que le droit international du travail a-t-il influencé le droit interne canadien pour la protection des travailleurs agricoles salariés (troisième partie) ? Les causes du traitement singulier accordé à ces travailleurs remontent aux origines mêmes de l’agriculture. Consciente des caractéristiques particulières de cette activité, l’Organisation internationale du travail affirmera dès le début du 20e siècle qu’il est injustifié d’empêcher les travailleurs agricoles salariés de se syndiquer. Elle insiste sur la valeur fondamentale des droits syndicaux devant différents forums onusiens et favorise leur promotion à travers l’élaboration de normes du travail mais également d’instruments de soft law, considérés mieux adaptés dans un contexte contemporain de mondialisation. Ce droit international du travail influencera ensuite l’interprétation de la Charte canadienne des droits et libertés par les tribunaux canadiens dans leur analyse de la constitutionnalité de l’exclusion totale ou partielle des travailleurs agricoles salariés des régimes législatifs de protection des droits syndicaux.

Les perceptions de la sexualité et les relations de couple de femmes haïtiennes immigrantes au Québec : pour une exploration des rapports hommes femmes en Haïti

Ce mémoire a étudié les perceptions de femmes haïtiennes vivant au Québec depuis moins de cinq ans de leurs relations sexuelles avec les hommes et de leurs rapports de couple. Après avoir opté pour une méthodologie de recherche qualitative, la théorie féministe intersectionnelle a été retenue comme cadre d’analyse. Des entretiens individuels semi-dirigés ont été menés auprès de 9 femmes haïtiennes, âgées de 18 à 60 ans et ayant immigré au Québec depuis moins de cinq ans. Les perceptions des femmes de la sexualité ont été appréhendées comme étant un ensemble de discours et de pratiques inter reliés, qui se construit dès l’enfance, et qui reproduit les types de rapports inégalitaires entre hommes et femmes qui existent dans la société haïtienne et dans leur couple. Ces rapports inégalitaires sont véhiculés entre les générations à travers la plupart des institutions sociales comme la famille, l’école, la culture, la législation. Ce processus de construction des perceptions de la sexualité est également influencé par des enjeux socio-économiques et de pouvoir. Les résultats de cette recherche permettent de disposer de données scientifiques sur la sexualité des femmes et les rapports de couple en Haïti et l’influence du processus migratoire. Ces résultats soulignent également la nécessité pour le travail social haïtien d’encourager le développement de l’empowerment économique des femmes et leur participation aux débats actuels de la société sur l’évolution de la condition féminine.

L'arbitrage impliquant les personnes publiques : tendances et perspectives

Cette étude aborde la problématique de la participation des personnes morales de droit public à l’arbitrage à l’occasion des litiges relatifs aux relations qu’elles entretiennent avec les personnes privées étrangères. Par opportunisme économique, un certain nombre de pays développés et en développement se montrent tout à fait favorables à ce que l’État se soumette au contentieux arbitral. Dans d’autres pays, tels qu’en Amérique latine et dans le monde arabe, il se manifeste des tendances nettement hostiles gravitant entre l’interdiction totale et une adhésion conditionnelle de l’État à l’arbitrage. Deux écoles s’affrontent, celle des privatistes qui considèrent l’arbitre international comme le juge naturel du milieu des affaires, face à celle des étatistes qui postulent que les juridictions étatiques demeurent les seules habiles à connaitre souverainement des litiges opposants les personnes publiques à leur interlocuteur privé. Les raisons qui sous-tendent l’assouplissement de certains gouvernements vers un élan libéral de l’arbitrage en droit public, résultent du phénomène globalisant de l’économie qui tend à réduire à néant les règles internes des États dans le cadre du nouvel ordre économique mondial. Par contre, les conséquences sociales, financières et juridiques des sentences arbitrales portent certains gouvernements à adopter une position réfractaire à l’arbitrage mettant en cause les entités publiques. Ils brandissent le droit à l’autodétermination des peuples pour éviter le bradage de leurs ressources au détriment des droits économiques, sociaux et culturels de leurs populations, et ce, en dépit du fait que l’investissement direct étranger joue un rôle considérable dans le développement des pays en émergence. Notre défi ultime dans ce travail est d’explorer les diverses avenues permettant d’atteindre un juste équilibre entre les intérêts publics et la protection des investissements privés. Ceci exige un changement de paradigme qui prendra en compte les dimensions plurielles que constitue le contentieux investisseurs-États.

The margin of appreciation, domestic irregularity and domestic court rulings in ECHR environmental jurisprudence: Global legal pluralism in action

Global legal pluralism is concerned, inter alia, with the growing multiplicity of normative legal orders and the ways in which these different orders intersect and are accommodated with one another. The different means used for accommodation will have a critical bearing on how individuals fare within them. This article examines the recent environmental jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights to explore some of the means of reaching an accommodation between national legal orders and the European Convention. Certain types of accommodation – such as the margin of appreciation given to states by the Court – are well known. In essence, such mechanisms of legal pluralism raise a presumptive barrier which generally works for the state and against the individual rights-bearer. However, the principal focus of the current article is on a less well-known, recent set of pluralistic devices employed by the Court, which typically operate presumptively in the other direction, in favour of the individual. First, the Court looks to instances of breaches of domestic environmental law (albeit not in isolation); and second, it places an emphasis on whether domestic courts have ruled against the relevant activity. Where domestic standards have been breached or national courts have ruled against the state, then, presumptive weight is typically shifted towards the individual.

Informal wages in an economy with active labor courts

In most developing countries, job regulations and the justice branch interfere on several aspects of labor contracts. Inspired by this fact, we build a model that explores the role of labor courts in the determination of the di¤erence between formal and informal wages. We show that the presence of active labor courts in an environment where labor relations are subject to asymmetries of information reproduces features documented by the empirical literature. The main implications of our model are tested using Brazilian data.

Giving up reporting the aggressor: reports of female victims of domestic violence

The goal of this study is to describe the experience of female victims of domestic violence, who forfeited the lawsuits against their aggressors. The interviews were oriented by the question: What was your experience of forfeiting the denunciation of your aggressor? Three themes emerged from the convergence of the testimonies: time passed from the aggression to the denunciation and then to the forfeiting; the partner, the family, the women's precinct; reflecting about the experience, which described the studied phenomenon. The women expressed ambiguous feelings for their aggressor: affection, anger, humiliation and fear. They recognize that they are dominated and humiliated, but notions of justice and equality between spouses do not appear in the testimonies. Forfeiting can be understood in the context of the reproduction of the traditional family structure, conditioned to economic and social factors. Results highlight implications about the role of the Women's Precinct and the healthcare institutions in the care for women who were victims of domestic violence.

Do domestic interests matter? – Der Einfluss nationaler Interessengruppen auf die Position von Staaten zur Umweltpolitik auf EU-Ebene

Wie kann man Ergebnisse internationaler Umweltpolitik erklären? Wie hilfreich ist dabei die liberale Theorie der Internationalen Beziehungen (IB) von Andrew Moravcsik? Die vorliegende Arbeit versucht diese Fragen anhand eines Fallbeispiels internationaler Umweltpolitik – der Position der Bundesrepublik Deutschland bezüglich der einzelnen Streitfragen der EU-Verordnung 443/2009 über den CO2-Ausstoß von Automobilen – zu beantworten. Es wird eine theoriegeleitete Außenpolitikanalyse durchgeführt, deren Hauptaugenmerk auf der spezifischen nationalen Präferenzbildung in einem bestimmten Fall liegt. Hier weist Moravcsiks Theorie eine „Lücke“ auf. Wessen Interessen sich aus welchen Gründen in einer bestimmten Situation wie durchsetzen und damit Politik beeinflussen bleibt unklar. Deshalb erweitert die Arbeit Moravcsiks liberale Theorie der IB mithilfe von Annahmen und Erkenntnissen aus der Verbändeforschung nach innen. Auf diese Weise werden die situationsspezifischen Interessen und die situationsspezifische Durchsetzungsfähigkeit der betroffenen Akteure – nationale Interessengruppen – erhoben und untersucht, inwiefern man mit ihrer Hilfe die deutsche Position zur EU-Verordnung 443/2009 erklären kann. Empirisch erweist sich dabei, dass die Position der BRD zu acht von neun Streitfragen der EU-Verordnung 443/2009 den Interessen einer Koalition aus Industriegewerkschaft (IG) Metall und Verband der Automobilindustrie (VDA) entsprach, weil diese im vorliegenden Fall mit Abstand die größte Durchsetzungsfähigkeit aufwiesen. Lediglich bezüglich einer Streitfrage wich die Position der BRD von den Interessen von IG Metall und VDA ab. Damit lässt sich festhalten: Die Position der BRD zur EU-Verordnung 443/2009 kann weitgehend mithilfe der nach innen erweiterten liberalen Theorie nach Andrew Moravcsik erklärt werden. Trotz möglicher Schwierigkeiten bei der Übertragung erscheint daher eine Anwendung des nach innen erweiterten Liberalismus auf weitere erklärungsbedürftige Phänomene der internationalen Umweltpolitik und damit eine Überprüfung der Theorie insgesamt eine interessante und sinnvolle Aufgabe zu sein.

Agents, Trustees, and International Courts: Nomination and Appointment of Judicial Candidates in the WTO Appellate Body

Scholars have increasingly theorized, and debated, the decision by states to create and delegate authority to international courts, as well as the subsequent autonomy and behavior of those courts, with principal–agent and trusteeship models disagreeing on the nature and extent of states’ influence on international judges. This article formulates and tests a set of principal–agent hypotheses about the ways in which, and the conditions under which, member states are able use their powers of judicial nomination and appointment to influence the endogenous preferences of international judges. The empirical analysis surveys the record of all judicial appointments to the Appellate Body (AB) of the World Trade Organization over a 15-year period. We present a view of an AB appointment process that, far from representing a pure search for expertise, is deeply politicized and offers member-state principals opportunities to influence AB members ex ante and possibly ex post. We further demonstrate that the AB nomination process has become progressively more politicized over time as member states, responding to earlier and controversial AB decisions, became far more concerned about judicial activism and more interested in the substantive opinions of AB candidates, systematically championing candidates whose views on key issues most closely approached their own, and opposing candidates perceived to be activist or biased against their substantive preferences. Although specific to the WTO, our theory and findings have implications for the judicial politics of a large variety of global and regional international courts and tribunals.