Estado, Estado-na����o e revolu����o capitalista

This paper distinguishes the state (the law system and the organization that guarantees it) from the nation-state or country ��� the territorial political unit formed by a nation, a state and a territory. Second, it defines nation and civil society, understanding them that the nation and the civil society are the two forms of politically organized society that work as intermediary between society and the state. The formation of the nation-states and the industrial revolution are part of the capitalist revolution. Since that crucial historical transformation takes place in each giving society progress or development follows: the absolute state changes into the liberal one, and the liberal state into the democratic state, whereas the nation and civil society also get less unequal or more ���democratized���. In this historical process the state is the basic instrument of collective action of the nation or of civil society.e

Revolu����o capitalista e forma����o do estado-na����o

The Capitalist Revolution was the period of the transition from the ancient societies to capitalism; it was a long transition that began in the north of Italy, in the 14th century, and for the first time got completed in England, in the second part of the 18th century, with the formation of the nation state and the Industrial Revolution; it is a major rupture, which divided the history of mankind between a period where empires or civilizations prospered and then fell into decadence and disappeared, and a period of ingrained economic development and long-term improvement of standards of living. Since then the different peoples are engaged in the social construction of their nations and their states; since then, they are experiencing economic development, because capitalism is essentially dynamic; since then they are struggling for the political objectives that they historically defined for themselves from that revolution: security, freedom, economic well-being, social justice, and protection of the environment.

Trabalho escravo contempor��neo e Estado capaz no Brasil

This thesis demonstrates the exercise of slave labor in the context of free or decent work, in contemporary times, supported by the federal constitution 1988 Brazil than places like fundamentals "the dignity of the human person" and "the social values of work and free enterprise" , and is as fundamental objectives of the Federative Republic of Brazil "build a free, just and united society," "guarantee national development", "eradicate poverty and marginalization and reduce social and regional inequalities", "promote the well all without prejudice of origin, race, sex, color, age and any other forms of discrimination. " It is considered that the analytical work category interacts both conceptually as an integral part of the capitalist development model as a driving force to the definition of State Capable. The panorama of acquired rights and rights infringed upon evidences the presence, or not, of the Brazilian state. Highlights, however, as state functions are being performed under the auspices of the Democratic State of Rights. So the original question that motivated this work is: To what extent the Brazilian government is structured to implement measures that can eradicate modern-day slavery? This question led to questions as: The Brazilian state has never failed in implementing the policy of "eradication to work analogous to slavery"? The answer the research questions were outlined using the dialectical materialist historical method under a sociological perspective in order to draw relationships and interrelationships between the current situation of the concept contemporary slavery and its historical roots. In the theoretical framework considers the conceptual approach regarding the capable state in order to answer the question regarding the eradication policy to contemporary forced labor and the Brazilian nation-state's ability to put it into action. In this sense, it employed concepts such as state, nation-state and capable state, from the interpretations of Bresser-Pereira, including the discussion regarding the formation of the arrangements and conservative and progressive political alliances. The research subject was analyzed from the reports published in 2013 by the Ministry of Labour after the Special Group of the inspection actions for Mobile Inspection (GEFM) to Combat Labour Analogous to Slave. The study of public policies related to the eradication program to work analogous to slavery takes up the discussion regarding the conditionality of free labor, or decent, in contemporary Brazil, and reveals that in Brazil the effectiveness or efficacy of government actions comply with governing the Federal Constitution-88, namely, to preserve "the dignity of the human person" and "the social values of work and free enterprise" is an ongoing process. There are advances, but these are conditioned to Brazil stage in the formation of the nation state and the national society.

Revista da escola normal de S��o Carlos (1916-1923): um estudo sobre id��ias e pr��ticas educacionais

Coordena����o de Aperfei��oamento de Pessoal de N��vel Superior (CAPES)

A luta pela independ��ncia na Guin��-Bissau e os caminhos do projeto educativo do PAIGC: etnicidade como problema na constru����o de uma identidade nacional

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Cient��fico e Tecnol��gico (CNPq)

The Dynamics of the Policies of Ethnic Cleansing in Silesia in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries

Through studying German, Polish and Czech publications on Silesia, Mr. Kamusella found that most of them, instead of trying to objectively analyse the past, are devoted to proving some essential "Germanness", "Polishness" or "Czechness" of this region. He believes that the terminology and thought-patterns of nationalist ideology are so deeply entrenched in the minds of researchers that they do not consider themselves nationalist. However, he notes that, due to the spread of the results of the latest studies on ethnicity/nationalism (by Gellner, Hobsbawm, Smith, Erikson Buillig, amongst others), German publications on Silesia have become quite objective since the 1980s, and the same process (impeded by under funding) has been taking place in Poland and the Czech Republic since 1989. His own research totals some 500 pages, in English, presented on disc. So what are the traps into which historians have been inclined to fall? There is a tendency for them to treat Silesia as an entity which has existed forever, though Mr. Kamusella points out that it emerged as a region only at the beginning of the 11th century. These same historians speak of Poles, Czechs and Germans in Silesia, though Mr. Kamusella found that before the mid-19th century, identification was with an inhabitant's local area, religion or dynasty. In fact, a German national identity started to be forged in Prussian Silesia only during the Liberation War against Napoleon (1813-1815). It was concretised in 1861 in the form of the first Prussian census, when the language a citizen spoke was equated with his/her nationality. A similar census was carried out in Austrian Silesia only in 1881. The censuses forced the Silesians to choose their nationality despite their multiethnic multicultural identities. It was the active promotion of a German identity in Prussian Silesia, and Vienna's uneasy acceptance of the national identities in Austrian Silesia which stimulated the development of Polish national, Moravian ethnic and Upper Silesian ethnic regional identities in Upper Silesia, and Polish national, Czech national, Moravian ethnic and Silesian ethnic identities in Austrian Silesia. While traditional historians speak of the "nationalist struggle" as though it were a permanent characteristic of Silesia, Mr. Kamusella points out that such a struggle only developed in earnest after 1918. What is more, he shows how it has been conveniently forgotten that, besides the national players, there were also significant ethnic movements of Moravians, Upper Silesians, Silesians and the tutejsi (i.e. those who still chose to identify with their locality). At this point Mr. Kamusella moves into the area of linguistics. While traditionally historians have spoken of the conflicts between the three national languages (German, Polish and Czech), Mr Kamusella reminds us that the standardised forms of these languages, which we choose to dub "national", were developed only in the mid-18th century, after 1869 (when Polish became the official language in Galicia), and after the 1870s (when Czech became the official language in Bohemia). As for standard German, it was only widely promoted in Silesia from the mid 19th century onwards. In fact, the majority of the population of Prussian Upper Silesia and Austrian Silesia were bi- or even multilingual. What is more, the "Polish" and "Czech" Silesians spoke were not the standard languages we know today, but a continuum of West-Slavic dialects in the countryside and a continuum of West-Slavic/German creoles in the urbanised areas. Such was the linguistic confusion that, from time to time, some ethnic/regional and Church activists strove to create a distinctive Upper Silesian/Silesian language on the basis of these dialects/creoles, but their efforts were thwarted by the staunch promotion of standard German, and after 1918, of standard Polish and Czech. Still on the subject of language, Mr. Kamusella draws attention to a problem around the issue of place names and personal names. Polish historians use current Polish versions of the Silesian place names, Czechs use current Polish/Czech versions of the place names, and Germans use the German versions which were in use in Silesia up to 1945. Mr. Kamusella attempted to avoid this, as he sees it, nationalist tendency, by using an appropriate version of a place name for a given period and providing its modern counterpart in parentheses. In the case of modern place names he gives the German version in parentheses. As for the name of historical figures, he strove to use the name entered on the birth certificate of the person involved, and by doing so avoid such confusion as, for instance, surrounds the Austrian Silesian pastor L.J. Sherschnik, who in German became Scherschnick, in Polish, Szersznik, and in Czech, Sersnik. Indeed, the prospective Silesian scholar should, Mr. Kamusella suggests, as well as the three languages directly involved in the area itself, know English and French, since many documents and books on the subject have been published in these languages, and even Latin, when dealing in depth with the period before the mid-19th century. Mr. Kamusella divides the policies of ethnic cleansing into two categories. The first he classifies as soft, meaning that policy is confined to the educational system, army, civil service and the church, and the aim is that everyone learn the language of the dominant group. The second is the group of hard policies, which amount to what is popularly labelled as ethnic cleansing. This category of policy aims at the total assimilation and/or physical liquidation of the non-dominant groups non-congruent with the ideal of homogeneity of a given nation-state. Mr. Kamusella found that soft policies were consciously and systematically employed by Prussia/Germany in Prussian Silesia from the 1860s to 1918, whereas in Austrian Silesia, Vienna quite inconsistently dabbled in them from the 1880s to 1917. In the inter-war period, the emergence of the nation-states of Poland and Czechoslovakia led to full employment of the soft policies and partial employment of the hard ones (curbed by the League of Nations minorities protection system) in Czechoslovakian Silesia, German Upper Silesia and the Polish parts of Upper and Austrian Silesia. In 1939-1945, Berlin started consistently using all the "hard" methods to homogenise Polish and Czechoslovakian Silesia which fell, in their entirety, within the Reich's borders. After World War II Czechoslovakia regained its prewar part of Silesia while Poland was given its prewar section plus almost the whole of the prewar German province. Subsequently, with the active involvement and support of the Soviet Union, Warsaw and Prague expelled the majority of Germans from Silesia in 1945-1948 (there were also instances of the Poles expelling Upper Silesian Czechs/Moravians, and of the Czechs expelling Czech Silesian Poles/pro-Polish Silesians). During the period of communist rule, the same two countries carried out a thorough Polonisation and Czechisation of Silesia, submerging this region into a new, non-historically based administrative division. Democratisation in the wake of the fall of communism, and a gradual retreat from the nationalist ideal of the homogeneous nation-state with a view to possible membership of the European Union, caused the abolition of the "hard" policies and phasing out of the "soft" ones. Consequently, limited revivals of various ethnic/national minorities have been observed in Czech and Polish Silesia, whereas Silesian regionalism has become popular in the westernmost part of Silesia which remained part of Germany. Mr. Kamusella believes it is possible that, with the overcoming of the nation-state discourse in European politics, when the expression of multiethnicity and multilingualism has become the cause of the day in Silesia, regionalism will hold sway in this region, uniting its ethnically/nationally variegated population in accordance with the principle of subsidiarity championed by the European Union.

Work in Progress: Social Work, the State and Europe

Social work has had varying relationships with the nation state both over time and between different countries. From its early stages the occupation had both state sanctioned and voluntary streams. Its international dimension has been enhanced in the European context through policy and funding measures over the past few decades. During this period we have also seen the rise of globalising trends leading to questions about the ongoing powers of nation states. This paper examines some aspects of the relationship between social work and the state, taking into account the emergence of European and also international policies and frameworks. The paper focuses initially on migration as an example of a common trend; an area of policy with both national and European dimensions; and a field in which social professionals are engaged to varying degrees. Secondly, it considers the progress of the ���professional project��� in Europe, using developments in five countries to illustrate some of the issues associated with ���professionalization���. European and international frameworks may lead to some convergence in national understandings of the key roles of social workers and an enhanced sense of professional identity across nation states, despite very different starting points and current forms of organisation.

International social work education at the crossroads

Social work has been a player in the international arena since 1928 when the International Association of Schools of Social Work (IASSW) was founded alongside its sister organisations, the International Federation of Social Workers (IFSW) and the International Council for Social Welfare (ICSW). These divided their remit into education, practice and policy respectively. Their development has been an interesting one, but the details of it need not detain us here. I only want to lay aside the argument that having an interest in the international domain is a new phenomenon in social work. At the same time, I want to emphasise how impressive it is that a profession that has been so tied into modernity, linked to the modern nation-state (Lorenz, 1994) and rooted in local legislation and traditions has such a long-standing history of involvements that have crossed borders to promote understanding and knowledge-building. In these encounters, social work educators and practitioners have engaged with others who were different from them while struggling to make their interactions egalitarian and respectful ones.

Process to develop a State Model Law to reduce prescription drug trafficking while protecting pain management

This paper will discuss the intersection of pill mills and the under-treatment of pain, while addressing the unintended consequence that cracking down on pill mills actually has on medical professionals' treatment of legitimate pain in clinical settings. Moreover, the impact each issue has on the spectrum of related policy, regulatory issues and legislation will be analyzed while addressing the national impact on medical care. Lastly, this paper will outline a process to develop a State Model Law on this subject. This process will include suggestions for the future and how we can move forward to adequately address public safety needs and how we can attempt to mitigate the unintended impact prescription drug trafficking has had on a patient's right to appropriate pain management. This balance is achievable and this paper will address ways we can find this elusive balancing point through the development of a State Model Law. ^

Globalismo financiero, territorialidad, "progresismo" y proyectos en pugna

El presente art��culo constituye un intento de sistematizaci��n de avances de investigaci��n expuestos en diferentes trabajos (Formento y Merino, 2011; Merino 2011a; 2011b; 2011c; 2011d), en los cuales fue tomando cada vez mayor relevancia la cuesti��n del territorio. En este sentido, nos focalizaremos en cuatro ejes que consideramos claves desde nuestra perspectiva. En primer lugar, el capital financiero transnacional, su territorialidad y la construcci��n de lo que llamaremos, como tendencia, un Estado Global. En segundo lugar, las formas en las que dicha territorialidad se expresa en lo local, entendiendo lo local como parte del territorio en disputa por parte de distintos proyectos, fuerzas e intereses. En tercer lugar, desarrollaremos un eje integrador que hace al objetivo del trabajo: analizar las contradicciones que atraviesan al Estado y en particular al Estado-naci��n y c��mo las mismas se manifiestan en el territorio como territorialidades contrapuestas, impulsadas por proyectos pol��ticos-estrat��gicos enfrentados. En cuarto lugar, a partir de estas consideraciones y s��lo a modo de graficar algunas de las afirmaciones expresadas, plantearemos una discusi��n en torno a la manera en que algunos autores entienden el "progresismo" asociado a la nueva l��gica del capital financiero transnacional y su configuraci��n territorial

Aportes para una nueva visi��n en los estudios geogr��ficos del concepto de naci��n desde las perspectivas cultural y pol��tica

La Naci��n ha sido una de las m��s importantes construcciones pol��ticoculturales de la Modernidad. Las premisas que le han dado mayor vitalidad han sido y son, pues, su afirmaci��n como imaginario de identidad para los pueblos y su significaci��n en el desarrollo de las denominadas "relaciones internacionales", en cuanto formas de expresi��n de las interrelaciones globales de los sectores dominantes. Este estudio se basa en el an��lisis de esas premisas a la luz de algunas de las nuevas perspectivas emanadas de los paradigmas pol��tico y cultural, desarrollados en las ciencias sociales a partir de las ��ltimas d��cadas del siglo pasado, y aplicadas a los estudios del territorio nacional, su construcci��n, sus mutaciones y los imaginarios espaciales que de ellos derivan. A partir de algunas de las visiones cr��ticas mencionadas, en la actualidad el concepto de naci��n parece haber entrado en un proceso de erosi��n o descomposici��n. Fen��menos sociales, econ��micos, pol��ticos y culturales ligados a los procesos de reestructuraci��n global (migraciones intercontinentales, sistemas medi��ticos globales, exclusi��n social, discriminaci��n ��tnica y religiosa, marginaci��n y falta de participaci��n pol��tica, nuevas formas de manifestaci��n social...) y a la construcci��n de los discursos posmodernos hacen aparecer la naci��n como un concepto, al menos, puesto en tela de juicio. Los m��s audaces hablan del virtual ingreso a un mundo "posnacional". ��Significar�� esto la extinci��n de una idea y una realidad con la que se han formado culturalmente millones de personas de numerosas generaciones en los puntos m��s lejanos del planeta? La respuesta deber�� estar planteada en el estudio real y especializado de esos fen��menos y de las nuevas realidades que de ellos emergen.

Globalismo financiero, territorialidad, "progresismo" y proyectos en pugna

El presente art��culo constituye un intento de sistematizaci��n de avances de investigaci��n expuestos en diferentes trabajos (Formento y Merino, 2011; Merino 2011a; 2011b; 2011c; 2011d), en los cuales fue tomando cada vez mayor relevancia la cuesti��n del territorio. En este sentido, nos focalizaremos en cuatro ejes que consideramos claves desde nuestra perspectiva. En primer lugar, el capital financiero transnacional, su territorialidad y la construcci��n de lo que llamaremos, como tendencia, un Estado Global. En segundo lugar, las formas en las que dicha territorialidad se expresa en lo local, entendiendo lo local como parte del territorio en disputa por parte de distintos proyectos, fuerzas e intereses. En tercer lugar, desarrollaremos un eje integrador que hace al objetivo del trabajo: analizar las contradicciones que atraviesan al Estado y en particular al Estado-naci��n y c��mo las mismas se manifiestan en el territorio como territorialidades contrapuestas, impulsadas por proyectos pol��ticos-estrat��gicos enfrentados. En cuarto lugar, a partir de estas consideraciones y s��lo a modo de graficar algunas de las afirmaciones expresadas, plantearemos una discusi��n en torno a la manera en que algunos autores entienden el "progresismo" asociado a la nueva l��gica del capital financiero transnacional y su configuraci��n territorial

Aportes para una nueva visi��n en los estudios geogr��ficos del concepto de naci��n desde las perspectivas cultural y pol��tica

La Naci��n ha sido una de las m��s importantes construcciones pol��ticoculturales de la Modernidad. Las premisas que le han dado mayor vitalidad han sido y son, pues, su afirmaci��n como imaginario de identidad para los pueblos y su significaci��n en el desarrollo de las denominadas "relaciones internacionales", en cuanto formas de expresi��n de las interrelaciones globales de los sectores dominantes. Este estudio se basa en el an��lisis de esas premisas a la luz de algunas de las nuevas perspectivas emanadas de los paradigmas pol��tico y cultural, desarrollados en las ciencias sociales a partir de las ��ltimas d��cadas del siglo pasado, y aplicadas a los estudios del territorio nacional, su construcci��n, sus mutaciones y los imaginarios espaciales que de ellos derivan. A partir de algunas de las visiones cr��ticas mencionadas, en la actualidad el concepto de naci��n parece haber entrado en un proceso de erosi��n o descomposici��n. Fen��menos sociales, econ��micos, pol��ticos y culturales ligados a los procesos de reestructuraci��n global (migraciones intercontinentales, sistemas medi��ticos globales, exclusi��n social, discriminaci��n ��tnica y religiosa, marginaci��n y falta de participaci��n pol��tica, nuevas formas de manifestaci��n social...) y a la construcci��n de los discursos posmodernos hacen aparecer la naci��n como un concepto, al menos, puesto en tela de juicio. Los m��s audaces hablan del virtual ingreso a un mundo "posnacional". ��Significar�� esto la extinci��n de una idea y una realidad con la que se han formado culturalmente millones de personas de numerosas generaciones en los puntos m��s lejanos del planeta? La respuesta deber�� estar planteada en el estudio real y especializado de esos fen��menos y de las nuevas realidades que de ellos emergen.

Globalismo financiero, territorialidad, "progresismo" y proyectos en pugna

El presente art��culo constituye un intento de sistematizaci��n de avances de investigaci��n expuestos en diferentes trabajos (Formento y Merino, 2011; Merino 2011a; 2011b; 2011c; 2011d), en los cuales fue tomando cada vez mayor relevancia la cuesti��n del territorio. En este sentido, nos focalizaremos en cuatro ejes que consideramos claves desde nuestra perspectiva. En primer lugar, el capital financiero transnacional, su territorialidad y la construcci��n de lo que llamaremos, como tendencia, un Estado Global. En segundo lugar, las formas en las que dicha territorialidad se expresa en lo local, entendiendo lo local como parte del territorio en disputa por parte de distintos proyectos, fuerzas e intereses. En tercer lugar, desarrollaremos un eje integrador que hace al objetivo del trabajo: analizar las contradicciones que atraviesan al Estado y en particular al Estado-naci��n y c��mo las mismas se manifiestan en el territorio como territorialidades contrapuestas, impulsadas por proyectos pol��ticos-estrat��gicos enfrentados. En cuarto lugar, a partir de estas consideraciones y s��lo a modo de graficar algunas de las afirmaciones expresadas, plantearemos una discusi��n en torno a la manera en que algunos autores entienden el "progresismo" asociado a la nueva l��gica del capital financiero transnacional y su configuraci��n territorial

Aportes para una nueva visi��n en los estudios geogr��ficos del concepto de naci��n desde las perspectivas cultural y pol��tica

La Naci��n ha sido una de las m��s importantes construcciones pol��ticoculturales de la Modernidad. Las premisas que le han dado mayor vitalidad han sido y son, pues, su afirmaci��n como imaginario de identidad para los pueblos y su significaci��n en el desarrollo de las denominadas "relaciones internacionales", en cuanto formas de expresi��n de las interrelaciones globales de los sectores dominantes. Este estudio se basa en el an��lisis de esas premisas a la luz de algunas de las nuevas perspectivas emanadas de los paradigmas pol��tico y cultural, desarrollados en las ciencias sociales a partir de las ��ltimas d��cadas del siglo pasado, y aplicadas a los estudios del territorio nacional, su construcci��n, sus mutaciones y los imaginarios espaciales que de ellos derivan. A partir de algunas de las visiones cr��ticas mencionadas, en la actualidad el concepto de naci��n parece haber entrado en un proceso de erosi��n o descomposici��n. Fen��menos sociales, econ��micos, pol��ticos y culturales ligados a los procesos de reestructuraci��n global (migraciones intercontinentales, sistemas medi��ticos globales, exclusi��n social, discriminaci��n ��tnica y religiosa, marginaci��n y falta de participaci��n pol��tica, nuevas formas de manifestaci��n social...) y a la construcci��n de los discursos posmodernos hacen aparecer la naci��n como un concepto, al menos, puesto en tela de juicio. Los m��s audaces hablan del virtual ingreso a un mundo "posnacional". ��Significar�� esto la extinci��n de una idea y una realidad con la que se han formado culturalmente millones de personas de numerosas generaciones en los puntos m��s lejanos del planeta? La respuesta deber�� estar planteada en el estudio real y especializado de esos fen��menos y de las nuevas realidades que de ellos emergen.