972 resultados para Democratic Participation


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With the advent of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), there is an increasing requirement that schools ensure children and young people's views are voiced, listened to and taken seriously on matters of significance. Encouraging these shifts by law is one thing; changing the culture in schools is another. For a significant proportion of schools, actively engaging students' voices on how they experience education poses a significant challenge and crucial gaps may exist between the rhetoric espoused and a school's readiness for genuine student involvement. This ethnographic study illuminates tensions that persist between headteachers' espoused views of how students are valued and students' creative images of their actual post-primary schooling experience. If cultures of schooling are to nurture the true spirit of democratic pupil participation implied by changes in the law, there is a need to develop genuine processes of student engagement in which students and staff can collaborate towards greater shared understandings of a school's priorities.

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The Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC, 1989) is currently the most ratified international treaty. Several authors have highlighted its potential for both a moral education and citizenship. However, paradoxically, different studies report its limited or occasional incorporation into school practices. This article explores experiences of participation in schools,the third P of the CRC, from the plurality of voices and actors of the educational community,by means of 14 discussion groups in 11 autonomous communities in Spain. Discourse analysis evidence low levels of student participation in school life. But, at the same time, a favorable educational environment for the development of projects that contribute to child participation is found, as well as for the incorporation of the CRC as a mover and a referential integrator of the different schools projects. However, it is also an educational background conductive to projects for its development, such as the incorporation of the CRC as a referential integrator of the schools projects.

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Civic participation is important for peacebuilding and democratic development; however, the role of mental health has been largely overlooked by policymakers aiming to stimulate engagement in civil society. This study investigated antecedents of civic participation in Colombia, a setting of protracted political conflict, using bootstrapped mediation in path analysis. Past exposure to violence, experience with community antisocial behavior, and perceived social trust were all significantly related to civic participation. In addition, depression mediated the impact of past exposure to political violence and perceived social trust, but not community antisocial behavior, on civic participation. In this context, findings challenged depictions of helpless victims and instead suggested that when facing greater risk (past violence exposure and community antisocial behavior), individuals responded in constructive ways, taking on agency in their communities. Social trust in one’s neighbors and community also facilitated deeper engagement in civic life. Relevant to the mediation test, interventions aiming to increase civic participation should take mental health into account. Limitations and possible future research are discussed.

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According to a recent Eurobarometer survey (2014), 68% of Europeans tend not to trust national governments. As the increasing alienation of citizens from politics endangers democracy and welfare, governments, practitioners and researchers look for innovative means to engage citizens in policy matters. One of the measures intended to overcome the so-called democratic deficit is the promotion of civic participation. Digital media proliferation offers a set of novel characteristics related to interactivity, ubiquitous connectivity, social networking and inclusiveness that enable new forms of societal-wide collaboration with a potential impact on leveraging participative democracy. Following this trend, e-Participation is an emerging research area that consists in the use of Information and Communication Technologies to mediate and transform the relations among citizens and governments towards increasing citizens’ participation in public decision-making. However, despite the widespread efforts to implement e-Participation through research programs, new technologies and projects, exhaustive studies on the achieved outcomes reveal that it has not yet been successfully incorporated in institutional politics. Given the problems underlying e-Participation implementation, the present research suggested that, rather than project-oriented efforts, the cornerstone for successfully implementing e-Participation in public institutions as a sustainable added-value activity is a systematic organisational planning, embodying the principles of open-governance and open-engagement. It further suggested that BPM, as a management discipline, can act as a catalyst to enable the desired transformations towards value creation throughout the policy-making cycle, including political, organisational and, ultimately, citizen value. Following these findings, the primary objective of this research was to provide an instrumental model to foster e-Participation sustainability across Government and Public Administration towards a participatory, inclusive, collaborative and deliberative democracy. The developed artefact, consisting in an e-Participation Organisational Semantic Model (ePOSM) underpinned by a BPM-steered approach, introduces this vision. This approach to e-Participation was modelled through a semi-formal lightweight ontology stack structured in four sub-ontologies, namely e-Participation Strategy, Organisational Units, Functions and Roles. The ePOSM facilitates e-Participation sustainability by: (1) Promoting a common and cross-functional understanding of the concepts underlying e-Participation implementation and of their articulation that bridges the gap between technical and non-technical users; (2) Providing an organisational model which allows a centralised and consistent roll-out of strategy-driven e-Participation initiatives, supported by operational units dedicated to the execution of transformation projects and participatory processes; (3) Providing a standardised organisational structure, goals, functions and roles related to e-Participation processes that enhances process-level interoperability among government agencies; (4) Providing a representation usable in software development for business processes’ automation, which allows advanced querying using a reasoner or inference engine to retrieve concrete and specific information about the e-Participation processes in place. An evaluation of the achieved outcomes, as well a comparative analysis with existent models, suggested that this innovative approach tackling the organisational planning dimension can constitute a stepping stone to harness e-Participation value.

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Notre recherche tente de comprendre l’évolution de la participation sociale et les nouvelles formes qu’elle prend dans la société canadienne contemporaine. La participation sociale constitue désormais un enjeu important dans les sociétés démocratiques, où la vie sociale est menacée par la logique marchande et où l’action de l’État sollicite de plus en plus l‘engagement social. Nous nous demandons ainsi comment la distribution du temps de participation sociale a évolué chez les Canadiens âgés de 25 à 49 ans, afin de saisir de quelle manière les individus concilient quotidiennement leur vie professionnelle, familiale et civique. Nous avons ainsi analysé la participation sociale à partir de la place qu’elle occupe dans l’organisation de l’emploi du temps quotidien, plutôt qu’à partir de ses déterminants. Au terme de nos analyses, nous pouvons poser deux conclusions majeures. D’abord, l’évolution entre 1992 et 1998, des activités formelles (bénévolat) et des activités informelles (entraide) se caractérise par la baisse du taux de participation. Par contre, il s’est également produit un allongement du temps de participation du bénévolat qui témoigne de l’existence d’un « noyau dur » de bénévoles. Ensuite, c’est la manière spécifique dont les individus organisent leur temps libre qui explique l’engagement social et le temps qui lui est consacré. Ceci nous fait conclure à l’influence réelle mais non totalement déterminante du temps de travail dans le fait de s’engager ou non et de consacrer de plus ou moins longues périodes à la pratique de ces activités.

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The future of sustainability is tied to the future of our ability to manage interconnectedness and interdependence, and thus to our abilities to engage in cooperative, value-creating public deliberations and negotiations.To understand these issues,we need a better understanding of the micro-politics of planning and public participation, the relationships between our received theories and our practices, and in particular, the work of public dispute resolution and its implications for democratic deliberation and governance.We need better to understand the differences between dialogue, debate, and negotiation, as well as the corresponding work of facilitating a dialogue, moderating a debate, and mediating an actual negotiation. Contrasting processes and practical attitudes of dialogue, debate, and negotiation can teach us, in the context of creating a sustainable future, that we must devise discursive and conversational political processes and institutions that explore possible commitments so that we not only know the right things to do but actually bring ourselves and one another to do those right things.

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Within the framework of the “capability approach” to human rights, this paper argues that adults who facilitate participatory planning and design with children and youth have an ethical obligation to foster young people’s capacities for active democratic citizenship. Practitioners often worry, justifiably, that if young people fail to see their ideas realized, they may become disillusioned and alienated from political life. Based on the experience of the Growing Up in Cities program of UNESCO, four rules of good practice are distilled which can help promote young people’s belief in the value of collective action, regardless of the challenges that the full implementation of their ideas may face.

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À l’ère de la mondialisation institutionnelle des sociétés modernes, alors que la confluence d’une myriade d’influences à la fois micro et macro-contextuelles complexifient le panorama sociopolitique international, l’intégration de l’idéal participatif par les processus de démocratisation de la santé publique acquiert l’apparence d’une stratégie organisationnelle promouvant la cohésion des multiples initiatives qui se tissent simultanément aux échelles locale et globale. L’actualisation constante des savoirs contemporains par les divers secteurs sociétaux ainsi que la perception sociale de différents risques conduisent à la prise de conscience des limites de la compétence technique des systèmes experts associés au domaine de la santé et des services sociaux. La santé publique, une des responsables légitimes de la gestion des risques modernes à l’échelle internationale, fait la promotion de la création d’espaces participatifs permettant l’interaction mutuelle d’acteurs intersectoriels et de savoirs multiples constamment modifiables. Il s’agit là d’une stratégie de relocalisation institutionnelle de l’action collective afin de rétablir la confiance envers la fiabilité des représentants de la santé publique internationale, qui ne répondent que partiellement aux besoins actuels de la sécurité populationnelle. Dans ce contexte, les conseils locaux de santé (CLS), mis en place à l’échelle internationale dans le cadre des politiques régionales de décentralisation des soins de santé primaires (SSP), représentent ainsi des espaces participatifs intéressants qui renferment dans leur fonctionnement tout un univers de forces de tension paradoxales. Ils nous permettent d’examiner la relation de caractère réciproque existant entre, d’une part, une approche plus empirique par l’analyse en profondeur des pratiques participatives (PP) plus spécifiques et, d’autre part, une compréhension conceptuelle de la mondialisation institutionnelle qui définit les tendances expansionnistes très générales des sociétés contemporaines. À l’aide du modèle de la transition organisationnelle (MTO), nous considérons que les PP intégrées à la gouverne des CLS sont potentiellement porteuses de changement organisationnel, dans le sens où elles sont la condition et la conséquence de nombreuses traductions stratégiques et systémiques essentiellement transformatrices. Or, pour qu’une telle transformation puisse s’accomplir, il est nécessaire de développer les compétences participatives pertinentes, ce qui confère au phénomène participatif la connotation d’apprentissage organisationnel de nouvelles formes d’action et d’intervention collectives. Notre modèle conceptuel semble fournir un ensemble de considérations épistémosociales fort intéressantes et très prometteuses permettant d’examiner en profondeur les dimensions nécessaires d’un renouvellement organisationnel de la participation dans le champ complexe de la santé publique internationale. Il permet de concevoir les interventions complexes comme des réseaux épistémiques de pratiques participatives (RÉPP) rassemblant des acteurs très diversifiés qui s’organisent autour d’un processus de conceptualisation transculturelle de connaissances ainsi que d’opérationnalisation intersectorielle des actions, et ce, par un ensemble de mécanismes d’instrumentalisation organisationnelle de l’apprentissage. De cette façon, le MTO ainsi que la notion de RÉPP permettent de mieux comprendre la création de passages incessants entre l’intégration locale des PP dans la gouverne des interventions complexes de la santé et des services sociaux – tels que les CLS –, et les processus plus larges de réorganisation démocratique de la santé publique dans le contexte global de la mondialisation institutionnelle. Cela pourrait certainement nous aider à construire collectivement l’expression réflexive et manifeste des valeurs démocratiques proposées dans la Déclaration d’Alma-Ata, publiée en 1978, lors de la première Conférence internationale sur les SSP.

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Au Québec, comme ailleurs en Occident, de plus en plus de personnes sont confrontées à une expérience de souffrance et d’exclusion qui les renvoie à la marge de la société. Cette thèse permet de saisir comment des personnes qui ont vécu une importante situation d'exclusion, entre autres, en raison de leur problème de santé mentale, en arrivent à se reconnaître comme des citoyennes en s'engageant dans leur communauté. Elle amène aussi à comprendre par quel cheminement ou parcours elles sont passées pour en arriver à s'émanciper des limites et contraintes qui pesaient sur elles. Enfin, elle éclaire le rôle joué par la participation à l'intérieur de leur parcours. Menée dans une perspective interdisciplinaire, cette recherche s’alimente de plusieurs courants théoriques tels que la sociologie, la psychanalyse, la science politique et le travail social. La notion de parcours d’émancipation permet de « s’émanciper » du modèle biomédical dominant en santé mentale en présentant une vision sociopolitique intégrant les dimensions individuelle et collective du changement. Elle amène à comprendre la constitution du « sujet-acteur » aux plans personnel et politique, c’est-à-dire le sujet qui advient par le travail de l’individu sur lui-même lui permettant de faire rupture avec son histoire passée et de la reconfigurer de manière à lui donner un nouveau sens, et l’acteur qui vient concrétiser la manifestation du sujet en actes, donc, la façon dont il s’actualise. La recherche met en évidence l’apport des organismes communautaires en santé mentale à ces parcours d’émancipation en identifiant les valeurs qui les animent et les dispositifs mis en place pour soutenir la transformation des personnes dans l’ensemble des dimensions de leur être : rapport à la « maladie », à soi, aux autres et au monde. En s’inspirant de Winnicott, on constate qu’ils constituent des espaces potentiels ou transitionnels qui donnent un ancrage sécuritaire et profond et qui jouent le rôle de « passeur d’être » permettant au sujet de s’actualiser et de devenir autonome. Ils apportent aussi une importante contribution à la réalisation des valeurs démocratiques et offrent des occasions aux personnes de se manifester en tant que « sujets-citoyens ».

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This paper examines the children and young people's participation and protagonism rights based on the Conferences on Children and Adolescents Rights' experience in Brazil, based on childhood sociology. Conferences' documents were consulted on the Brazilian government websites. These study findings revealed that young people's participation has increased in the last conferences. However, it is necessary to promote a systematic and genuine participation through democratic relations construction in all development contexts where childrenand adolescent live in order to modify their life and society participative practices.

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Two existing models are used to conceptualize the constrained and limited participation in the communist system. The mobilization model suggests that participation was so mobilized by the party/state that it was largely meaningless, while the disengagement model supports the idea that many communist citizens adopted non-participatory behaviors such as non-voting as a means of protest. This paper attempts to demonstrate the importance of a third model – the emergent democratic culture model. The survey results show that the participation index is in proportion to the number of elections in which a villager is involved; and a growing number of voters in Zhejiang are developing citizen-initiated participation, with rights consciousness.

This research finds that the level of participation is influenced by three major factors: the perceived worth of the election itself, regularity of electoral procedures, and the fairness of electoral procedures. It also finds that parochial political culture and political apathy still exist, and the emergent democratic consciousness falls short of an ideal democratic standard. While a highly democratic culture helps to develop village democracy, the apathetic attitude continues to support the authoritarian leadership and structure in many villages. The paper also gives an account of survey research in rural China and offers a thoughtful critique of the use of voting and non-voting as the sole indicator of political participation.

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This chapter analyses local government’s response to the pressure to modernise its structures through its use of Information Communication Technologies (ICT) to execute its broad range of tasks. The chapter begins by discussing Chadwick and May’s (2003) three basic models of e-government; managerial, consultative and participatory. Using data collected from an analysis of 658 local government websites in Australia together with existing survey research the chapter then analyses the extent to which local government sites fit into the three models. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the issues and problems faced by local government in its attempt to develop e-governance as both an extension of administrative as well as democratic functions.

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There is a burgeoning literature on educational change – how to make it and how to understand its failures in order that the causes can be remedied next time. Much of this literature implies that when free and autonomous policy agents know what they are doing, they can shift institutional structures and habituated ways of doing and being. In this article we mobilize Bourdieu, who rejected this binary of structure and agency, in favour of the notion of ‘field’, ‘habitus’ and ‘capitals’, to theorize one case of change. We describe the shifting policy-scape in Australia in the latter part of the twentieth century which created some opportunities for students to act as educational leaders and participate in making decisions about their learning and schooling. We then develop a specific and situated theorization of change in a contested and hierarchical educational ‘field’. We argue that the continued press from the political field and the wider field of power to increase levels of mass schooling produced a ‘principal opposition’ in the schooling field between democratization and hierarchization. This opposition, we propose, is now in policies, institutional changes and
the varying actions of educators, making the field not only contested but also unstable: this produces further spaces and opportunities for both hierarchic and democratic changes.

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This study offers a multi-faceted response to the question of whether or not network computers can improve citizen power from the perspective of deliberative democratic theory. It concludes that in particular circumstances, computers can enhance citizens' power, and improve deliberation in liberal-democratic forums.

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Although facilitating community participation in disadvantaged schools can be difficult, this article argues that, given the structuring of schooling in contemporary western democracies, it is even more difficult than we might imagine. Drawing on Bourdieu, we attempt to elucidate the complex relations between schooling and socio·cultural contexts which can lead to inequalities of opportunity for parent participation in schooling and which work to maintain disadvantage for marginalised students. Recognitive justice, with its positive regard for social difference and centrality of social democratic processes, offers us another way of advancing this discussion beyond simplistic attributions of blame. In particular, a polities of recognition is concerned with opening up the processes of schooling to groups who often have been excluded. This article uses interview data from a small Australian secondary school located in a regional community with high welfare dependency and a large indigenous population.