887 resultados para Dano-Swedish Wars, 1657-1660.


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Comparative advertising by one brand against another showcases its merits versus the demerits of the other. In a two-stage game with finitely many firms, firms decide first how much to advertise against whom. In the second stage, given the advertising configuration, firms compete as Cournot oligopolists. In the symmetric case, equilibrium advertising constitutes a clear welfare loss. In the asymmetric case, depending on parameter values, a variety of outcomes are possible in equilibrium. An a priori disadvantaged firm (in terms of advertising costs or advertising effectiveness) may advertise more. Advertising can affect firms that are not advertisers or targets themselves.

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It is very common to analyse the factors associated with the onset and continuation of civil wars entirely separately, as if there were likely to be no similarity between them. This is an overstatement of the theoretical position, which has established only that they may be different (i.e. less than perfectly correlated). The hypothesis that the explanatory variables are the same is not theoretically excludable and is empirically testable, both for individual variables and for combinations of them. Starting from this approach yields a rather different picture of the factors associated with the continuation of civil wars, because the relatively small sample size means that confidence intervals on individual coefficients are wide in this case. It is shown here that country size, mountainous terrain and (in most datasets) ethnic diversity seem significant for the continuation of civil wars, starting from the null hypothesis that variables affect onset and continuation probabilities identically, rather than entirely independently. One variable that affects onset and continuation significantly differently is anocracy, which we find to matter only for onset. Civil war is more likely if it occurred two years previously, as well as one year previously, which indicates that wars are more likely to restart after only one year of peace, and also more likely to stop in their first year. The combined model strengthens the result that ethnic diversity matters (it is consistently significant across datasets, whereas it is not when onset is analysed separately), although in the UCD/PRIO dataset it is significant only for onset. By contrast, if continuation is analysed independently, virtually nothing is significant except a pre-1991 dummy and a dummy for civil war two years previously.

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This article uses the personal ledgers of a cinema manager to explore programming and film exhibition at the Southampton Odeon in the 1970s. The detailed accounts provide a rare insight into cinema exhibition and challenge the notion that 1970s cinema was all about sex, violence, horror and exploitation, suggesting instead that audiences at this cinema, favoured very different fare.

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PURPOSE: To evaluate the sensitivity and specificity of the screening mode of the Humphrey-Welch Allyn frequency-doubling technology (FDT), Octopus tendency-oriented perimetry (TOP), and the Humphrey Swedish Interactive Threshold Algorithm (SITA)-fast (HSF) in patients with glaucoma. DESIGN: A comparative consecutive case series. METHODS: This was a prospective study which took place in the glaucoma unit of an academic department of ophthalmology. One eye of 70 consecutive glaucoma patients and 28 age-matched normal subjects was studied. Eyes were examined with the program C-20 of FDT, G1-TOP, and 24-2 HSF in one visit and in random order. The gold standard for glaucoma was presence of a typical glaucomatous optic disk appearance on stereoscopic examination, which was judged by a glaucoma expert. The sensitivity and specificity, positive and negative predictive value, and receiver operating characteristic (ROC) curves of two algorithms for the FDT screening test, two algorithms for TOP, and three algorithms for HSF, as defined before the start of this study, were evaluated. The time required for each test was also analyzed. RESULTS: Values for area under the ROC curve ranged from 82.5%-93.9%. The largest area (93.9%) under the ROC curve was obtained with the FDT criteria, defining abnormality as presence of at least one abnormal location. Mean test time was 1.08 ± 0.28 minutes, 2.31 ± 0.28 minutes, and 4.14 ± 0.57 minutes for the FDT, TOP, and HSF, respectively. The difference in testing time was statistically significant (P <.0001). CONCLUSIONS: The C-20 FDT, G1-TOP, and 24-2 HSF appear to be useful tools to diagnose glaucoma. The test C-20 FDT and G1-TOP take approximately 1/4 and 1/2 of the time taken by 24 to 2 HSF. © 2002 by Elsevier Science Inc. All rights reserved.

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The well-known ‘culture wars’ clash in the United States between civil society actors has now gone transnational. Political science scholarship has long detailed how liberal human rights non-governmental organizations NGOs engage in extensive transnational activity in support of their ideals. More recently, US conservative groups (including faith-based NGOs) have begun to emulate these strategies, promoting their convictions by engaging in transnational advocacy. NGOs thus face off against each other politically across the globe. Less well known is the extent to which these culture wars are conducted in courts, using conflicting interpretations of human rights law. Many of the same protagonists, particularly NGOs that find themselves against each other in US courts, now find new litigation opportunities abroad in which to fight their battles. These developments, and their implications, are the focus of this article. In particular, the extent to which US faith-based NGOs have leveraged the experience gained transnationally to use international and foreign jurisprudence in interventions before the US Supreme Court is assessed.

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Land wars in India: Contestations, social forces and evolving neoliberal urban transformation
The recent incidents of ‘land wars’ in India have highlighted the contradictions and challenges of the neoliberal urban transformation through a range of issues across governance, equity and empowerment in the development agenda. Simply put, a strong top down approach and corporate-political nexus have determined the modality of land acquisition, compensation and ultimately the nature of its consumption leaving out majority urban poor from its benefits. The paper focuses on the concept of neoliberalism as a modality of urban governance and emergence of the grassroots activism as a countermagnate to neoliberalist hegemony by examining the inequity and marginalization that embody these ‘land wars’ in India and the forms of resistance from the grassroots - their capacity, relationship and modus operandi. Emerging lessons suggest the potential for advancing governance from the bottoms up leading to more equitable distribution of resources. It is however argued that there is a need for a stronger conception of the ‘grassroots’ in both epistemological and empirical context. In particular, the preconditions for the ‘grassroots organisations’ to foster and play a more effective role requires a more inclusive notion of ‘institutionality and plurality’ within the current political economic context. The empirical focus of the paper is ‘land wars’ observed in Kolkata, West Bengal, however references to other examples across the country have also been made.