980 resultados para Cultural norms


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La ricerca si propone di definire le linee guida per la stesura di un Piano che si occupi di qualità della vita e di benessere. Il richiamo alla qualità e al benessere è positivamente innovativo, in quanto impone agli organi decisionali di sintonizzarsi con la soggettività attiva dei cittadini e, contemporaneamente, rende evidente la necessità di un approccio più ampio e trasversale al tema della città e di una più stretta relazione dei tecnici/esperti con i responsabili degli organismi politicoamministrativi. La ricerca vuole indagare i limiti dell’urbanistica moderna di fronte alla complessità di bisogni e di nuove necessità espresse dalle popolazioni urbane contemporanee. La domanda dei servizi è notevolmente cambiata rispetto a quella degli anni Sessanta, oltre che sul piano quantitativo anche e soprattutto sul piano qualitativo, a causa degli intervenuti cambiamenti sociali che hanno trasformato la città moderna non solo dal punto di vista strutturale ma anche dal punto di vista culturale: l’intermittenza della cittadinanza, per cui le città sono sempre più vissute e godute da cittadini del mondo (turisti e/o visitatori, temporaneamente presenti) e da cittadini diffusi (suburbani, provinciali, metropolitani); la radicale trasformazione della struttura familiare, per cui la famiglia-tipo costituita da una coppia con figli, solido riferimento per l’economia e la politica, è oggi minoritaria; l’irregolarità e flessibilità dei calendari, delle agende e dei ritmi di vita della popolazione attiva; la mobilità sociale, per cui gli individui hanno traiettorie di vita e pratiche quotidiane meno determinate dalle loro origini sociali di quanto avveniva nel passato; l’elevazione del livello di istruzione e quindi l’incremento della domanda di cultura; la crescita della popolazione anziana e la forte individualizzazione sociale hanno generato una domanda di città espressa dalla gente estremamente variegata ed eterogenea, frammentata e volatile, e per alcuni aspetti assolutamente nuova. Accanto a vecchie e consolidate richieste – la città efficiente, funzionale, produttiva, accessibile a tutti – sorgono nuove domande, ideali e bisogni che hanno come oggetto la bellezza, la varietà, la fruibilità, la sicurezza, la capacità di stupire e divertire, la sostenibilità, la ricerca di nuove identità, domande che esprimono il desiderio di vivere e di godere la città, di stare bene in città, domande che non possono essere più soddisfatte attraverso un’idea di welfare semplicemente basata sull’istruzione, la sanità, il sistema pensionistico e l’assistenza sociale. La città moderna ovvero l’idea moderna della città, organizzata solo sui concetti di ordine, regolarità, pulizia, uguaglianza e buon governo, è stata consegnata alla storia passata trasformandosi ora in qualcosa di assai diverso che facciamo fatica a rappresentare, a descrivere, a raccontare. La città contemporanea può essere rappresentata in molteplici modi, sia dal punto di vista urbanistico che dal punto di vista sociale: nella letteratura recente è evidente la difficoltà di definire e di racchiudere entro limiti certi l’oggetto “città” e la mancanza di un convincimento forte nell’interpretazione delle trasformazioni politiche, economiche e sociali che hanno investito la società e il mondo nel secolo scorso. La città contemporanea, al di là degli ambiti amministrativi, delle espansioni territoriali e degli assetti urbanistici, delle infrastrutture, della tecnologia, del funzionalismo e dei mercati globali, è anche luogo delle relazioni umane, rappresentazione dei rapporti tra gli individui e dello spazio urbano in cui queste relazioni si muovono. La città è sia concentrazione fisica di persone e di edifici, ma anche varietà di usi e di gruppi, densità di rapporti sociali; è il luogo in cui avvengono i processi di coesione o di esclusione sociale, luogo delle norme culturali che regolano i comportamenti, dell’identità che si esprime materialmente e simbolicamente nello spazio pubblico della vita cittadina. Per studiare la città contemporanea è necessario utilizzare un approccio nuovo, fatto di contaminazioni e saperi trasversali forniti da altre discipline, come la sociologia e le scienze umane, che pure contribuiscono a costruire l’immagine comunemente percepita della città e del territorio, del paesaggio e dell’ambiente. La rappresentazione del sociale urbano varia in base all’idea di cosa è, in un dato momento storico e in un dato contesto, una situazione di benessere delle persone. L’urbanistica moderna mirava al massimo benessere del singolo e della collettività e a modellarsi sulle “effettive necessità delle persone”: nei vecchi manuali di urbanistica compare come appendice al piano regolatore il “Piano dei servizi”, che comprende i servizi distribuiti sul territorio circostante, una sorta di “piano regolatore sociale”, per evitare quartieri separati per fasce di popolazione o per classi. Nella città contemporanea la globalizzazione, le nuove forme di marginalizzazione e di esclusione, l’avvento della cosiddetta “new economy”, la ridefinizione della base produttiva e del mercato del lavoro urbani sono espressione di una complessità sociale che può essere definita sulla base delle transazioni e gli scambi simbolici piuttosto che sui processi di industrializzazione e di modernizzazione verso cui era orientata la città storica, definita moderna. Tutto ciò costituisce quel complesso di questioni che attualmente viene definito “nuovo welfare”, in contrapposizione a quello essenzialmente basato sull’istruzione, sulla sanità, sul sistema pensionistico e sull’assistenza sociale. La ricerca ha quindi analizzato gli strumenti tradizionali della pianificazione e programmazione territoriale, nella loro dimensione operativa e istituzionale: la destinazione principale di tali strumenti consiste nella classificazione e nella sistemazione dei servizi e dei contenitori urbanistici. E’ chiaro, tuttavia, che per poter rispondere alla molteplice complessità di domande, bisogni e desideri espressi dalla società contemporanea le dotazioni effettive per “fare città” devono necessariamente superare i concetti di “standard” e di “zonizzazione”, che risultano essere troppo rigidi e quindi incapaci di adattarsi all’evoluzione di una domanda crescente di qualità e di servizi e allo stesso tempo inadeguati nella gestione del rapporto tra lo spazio domestico e lo spazio collettivo. In questo senso è rilevante il rapporto tra le tipologie abitative e la morfologia urbana e quindi anche l’ambiente intorno alla casa, che stabilisce il rapporto “dalla casa alla città”, perché è in questa dualità che si definisce il rapporto tra spazi privati e spazi pubblici e si contestualizzano i temi della strada, dei negozi, dei luoghi di incontro, degli accessi. Dopo la convergenza dalla scala urbana alla scala edilizia si passa quindi dalla scala edilizia a quella urbana, dal momento che il criterio del benessere attraversa le diverse scale dello spazio abitabile. Non solo, nei sistemi territoriali in cui si è raggiunto un benessere diffuso ed un alto livello di sviluppo economico è emersa la consapevolezza che il concetto stesso di benessere sia non più legato esclusivamente alla capacità di reddito collettiva e/o individuale: oggi la qualità della vita si misura in termini di qualità ambientale e sociale. Ecco dunque la necessità di uno strumento di conoscenza della città contemporanea, da allegare al Piano, in cui vengano definiti i criteri da osservare nella progettazione dello spazio urbano al fine di determinare la qualità e il benessere dell’ambiente costruito, inteso come benessere generalizzato, nel suo significato di “qualità dello star bene”. E’ evidente che per raggiungere tale livello di qualità e benessere è necessario provvedere al soddisfacimento da una parte degli aspetti macroscopici del funzionamento sociale e del tenore di vita attraverso gli indicatori di reddito, occupazione, povertà, criminalità, abitazione, istruzione, etc.; dall’altra dei bisogni primari, elementari e di base, e di quelli secondari, culturali e quindi mutevoli, trapassando dal welfare state allo star bene o well being personale, alla wellness in senso olistico, tutte espressioni di un desiderio di bellezza mentale e fisica e di un nuovo rapporto del corpo con l’ambiente, quindi manifestazione concreta di un’esigenza di ben-essere individuale e collettivo. Ed è questa esigenza, nuova e difficile, che crea la diffusa sensazione dell’inizio di una nuova stagione urbana, molto più di quanto facciano pensare le stesse modifiche fisiche della città.

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The dissertation is structured in three parts. The first part compares US and EU agricultural policies since the end of WWII. There is not enough evidence for claiming that agricultural support has a negative impact on obesity trends. I discuss the possibility of an exchange in best practices to fight obesity. There are relevant economic, societal and legal differences between the US and the EU. However, partnerships against obesity are welcomed. The second part presents a socio-ecological model of the determinants of obesity. I employ an interdisciplinary model because it captures the simultaneous influence of several variables. Obesity is an interaction of pre-birth, primary and secondary socialization factors. To test the significance of each factor, I use data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Adolescent Health. I compare the average body mass index across different populations. Differences in means are statistically significant. In the last part I use the National Survey of Children Health. I analyze the effect that family characteristics, built environment, cultural norms and individual factors have on the body mass index (BMI). I use Ordered Probit models and I calculate the marginal effects. I use State and ethnicity fixed effects to control for unobserved heterogeneity. I find that southern US States tend have on average a higher probability of being obese. On the ethnicity side, White Americans have a lower BMI respect to Black Americans, Hispanics and American Indians Native Islanders; being Asian is associated with a lower probability of being obese. In neighborhoods where trust level and safety perception are higher, children are less overweight and obese. Similar results are shown for higher level of parental income and education. Breastfeeding has a negative impact. Higher values of measures of behavioral disorders have a positive and significant impact on obesity, as predicted by the theory.

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This thesis will cover sports controversies throughout the 20th Century in the context of the media’s newspaper coverage of the events. The 1919 Black Sox Scandal, the debate over American participation in the 1936 Olympics, and Muhammad Ali’s conversion to the Nation of Islam, standing as a notorious public figure, and conscientious objection to the Vietnam War will represent the three sports controversies. The media’s adherence to cultural norms is clear in all three cases. The consistent devotion to the cultural and racial atmosphere of their respective eras was constant and helped to perpetuate accepted, mainstream cultural attitudes. Cultural and racial norms were followed in the coverage of the three discussed controversies. The anti-Semitism and racially intolerant sentiments in America during great waves of immigration in the early 1900s allowed for journalists to freely vilify Jews as corrupters of baseball and the ballplayers who were rumored to have thrown the 1919 World Series. The white ballplayers were supported in the press, who protected their own and blamed outsiders. Jim Crow and the Americanization movement forced African American and Jewish newspapers to limit their journalistic bias on both sides of the debate over American participation in the 1936 Berlin Olympics. The white, mainstream press was void of bias as the spirit of isolationism in America triumphed over journalist’s leanings in the Olympic debate. The racial tension created by the Civil Rights movement of the 1960s created an atmosphere that allowed mainstream journalists to heap endless criticism on Muhammad Ali as he gained fame. By portraying him as a villain of society as both a religious radical and traitor to America, journalists created a common enemy in the minds of white America. In all three cases, a pattern of journalists expressing the state of cultural and racial norms of the era is present and significant.

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Fully engaging in a new culture means translating oneself into a different set of cultural values, and many of the values can be foreign to the individual. The individual may face conflicting tensions between the psychological need to be a part of the new society and feelings of guilt or betrayal towards the former society, culture or self. Many international students from Myanmar, most of whom have little international experience, undergo this value and cultural translation during their time in American colleges. It is commonly assumed that something will be lost in the process of translation and that the students become more Westernized or never fit into both Myanmar and US cultures. However, the study of the narratives of the Myanmar students studying in the US reveals a more complex reality. Because individuals have multifaceted identities and many cultures and subcultures are fluctuating and intertwined with one another, the students¿ cross-cultural interactions can also help them acquire new ways of seeing things. Through their struggle to engage in the US college culture, many students display the theory of ¿cosmopolitanism¿ in their transformative identity formation process and thus, define and identify themselves beyond one set of cultural norms.

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The use of alcohol in early modern German society was prescribed by carefully structured cultural norms. Drinking, even to the point of drunkenness, was not a sign of insecurity and "disorder" as many historians have claimed. Rather, participation in drinking bouts helped define and enhance men's social status. Drunkenness was therefore tolerated among men as long as they lived up to both the rules and norms of tavern society and the demands of their role as householder. Public drinking was a male prerogative, and drunkenness among women was universally condemned. Nonetheless, when alcohol abuse interfered with the household, women could and did deploy public power to impose limits on men's drinking behaviour.

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Loss can be seen as a normative life event; nevertheless for most individuals, the experience of the loss of a loved one is extremely stressful. The grief reaction is universal but shaped by cultural norms and individual expectations; grief may also become a serious health problem. The aim of this article is to review the consequences of grief as well as explanations and treatment of complicated grief disorder. Five areas are identified to be of importance to clinicians and researchers: (1) grief reactions, (2) models of grief, (3) bereavement across the life span, (4) diagnostic criteria, and (5) treatment for complicated grief.

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An evolutionary model of human behavior should privilege emotions: essential, phylogenetically ancient behaviors that learning and decision making only subserve. Infants and non-mammals lack advanced cognitive powers but still survive. Decision making is only a means to emotional ends, which organize and prioritize behavior. The emotion of pride/shame, or dominance striving, bridges the social and biological sciences via internalization of cultural norms.

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Objective. The purpose of this study was to determine the meaning of personal transformation for twenty women in long term, stable recovery from alcohol abuse; to identify themes or patterns of this recovery, and; to determine the extent to which they experienced the phenomenon of perspective transformation. ^ Method. Volunteers were recruited by advertisement, word of mouth, and through a closed circuit web based broadcast. A descriptive, exploratory study, which analyzed perspective transformation from the standpoint of five action phases, was conducted. Data was collected using in-depth personal interviews and questionnaires. Subjects' responses were analyzed by qualitative methods. Triangulation was performed on the grouped data comparing the interviews to the data produced by the questionnaires. Quantitative analysis of questionnaire items explored behavioral changes experienced before and after alcoholism recovery. ^ Results. Five phases of recovery were identified. Phase I which involved recognition that alcohol was a problem and change might be possible took several years during which 3 major transitions occurred: (1) from often being alienated to having relationships with family and friends; (2) from daily upheavals to eventually a more peaceful existence, and; (3) from denial that alcohol was a problem to acceptance and willingness to change. Recovery was often seen in a spiritual context, which also required ongoing support. During Phase II there was an assessment of self, others, and the environment which revealed a pattern of intense unhappiness and negative feelings toward self and others with a disregard for cultural norms. Phase III revealed a period of desperation as life became unmanageable, but gradual willingness to accept support and guidance and a desire to improve self and help others. This led to improvement of existing role performance and the willingness to try out new roles. In Phase IV there was a pattern of personal growth which included: the establishment of boundaries, setting priorities, a willingness to place others' needs above their own, acceptance of responsibility, and learning to cope without alcohol, often with the use of tools learned in AA. During Phase V, many experienced knowledge of frailties but growing respect for self and others, with an improved ability to function in giving relationships. Implications for Prevention and Recovery: Early education concerning addiction and recovery may play a crucial role in prevention and early recovery, as it did for children of women in this study. Recovery requires persistent effort and organized support. ^

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Social capital, a relatively new public health concept, represents the intangible resources embedded in social relationships that facilitate collective action. Current interest in the concept stems from empirical studies linking social capital with health outcomes. However, in order for social capital to function as a meaningful research variable, conceptual development aimed at refining the domains, attributes, and boundaries of the concept are needed. An existing framework of social capital (Uphoff, 2000), developed from studies in India, was selected for congruence with the inductive analysis of pilot data from a community that was unsuccessful at mobilizing collective action. This framework provided the underpinnings for a formal ethnographic research study designed to examine the components of social capital in a community that had successfully mobilized collective action. The specific aim of the ethnographic study was to examine the fittingness of Uphoff's framework in the contrasting American community. A contrasting context was purposefully selected to distinguish essential attributes of social capital from those that were specific to one community. Ethnographic data collection methods included participant observation, formal interviews, and public documents. Data was originally analyzed according to codes developed from Uphoff's theoretical framework. The results from this analysis were only partially satisfactory, indicating that the theoretical framework required refinement. The refinement of the coding system resulted in the emergence of an explanatory theory of social capital that was tested with the data collected from formal fieldwork. Although Uphoff's framework was useful, the refinement of the framework revealed, (1) trust as the dominant attribute of social capital, (2) efficacy of mutually beneficial collective action as the outcome indicator, (3) cognitive and structural domains more appropriately defined as the cultural norms of the community and group, and (4) a definition of social capital as the combination of the cognitive norms of the community and the structural norms of the group that are either constructive or destructive to the development of trust and the efficacy of mutually beneficial collective action. This explanatory framework holds increased pragmatic utility for public health practice and research. ^

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There has been a great deal of interest and debate recently concerning the linkages between inequality and health cross-nationally. Exposures to social and health inequalities likely vary as a consequence of different cultural contexts. It is important to guide research by a theoretical perspective that includes cultural and social contexts cross-nationally. If inequality affects health only under specific cultural conditions, this could explain why some of the literature that compares different societies finds no evidence of a relationship between inequality and health in certain countries. A theoretical framework is presented that combines sociological theory with constructs from cultural psychology in order to identify pathways that might lead from cultural dimensions to health inequalities. Three analyses are carried out. The first analysis explores whether there is a relationship between cultural dimensions at the societal level and self-rated health at the individual level. The findings suggest that different cultural norms at the societal level can produce both social and health inequalities, but the effects on health may differ depending on the socio-cultural context. The second analysis tests the hypothesis that health is affected by the density of social networks in a society, levels of societal trust, and inequality. The results suggest that commonly used measures of social cohesion and inequality may have both contextual and compositional effects on health in a large number of countries, and that societal measures of social cohesion and inequality interact with individual measures of social participation, trust, and income, moderating their effects on health. The third analysis explores whether value systems associated with vertical individualist societies may lead to health disparities because of their stigmatizing effects. I test the hypothesis that, within vertical individualist societies, subjective well-being will be affected by a social context where competition and the Protestant work ethic are valued, mediated by inequality. The hypothesis was not supported by the available cross-national data, most likely because of inadequate measures, missing data, and the small sample of vertical individualist countries. The overall findings demonstrate that cultural differences are important contextual factors that should not be overlooked when examining the causes of health inequalities. ^

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Esta es una tesis situada en el campo de estudios interdisciplinario de las Ciencias de la Educación, la Historia y la Psicología Social, por lo que es denominada como un estudio acerca de la educación, y su historia psicosocial. La identidad es un concepto sumamente prolífico a la hora de pensar las problemáticas educativas en claves históricas y psicosociales. Si a esto se le agrega la interacción con los cánones escolares, se alcanza un campo rico y fértil para ser investigado. A partir de ahí, la investigación se propone por objetivo general, producir un conocimiento explicativo en torno a la configuración de identidad y el impacto producido por los cánones culturales de la escuela en la herencia cultural de las poblaciones migratorias. A los fines de situar empíricamente el objeto, la dimensión espacial elegida, ha sido una comunidad de la ciudad de Rosario, Santa Fe. El barrio Belgrano y, en particular, la escuela No 91 República Federativa de Brasil, que es la oferta educativa estatal de nivel primario vinculada al mismo. Se desarrollan elementos analíticos que hacen a la configuración socio-histórica (segunda mitad del siglo XX) y educativa del barrio Belgrano. Se trabajan categorías que involucran a la identidad barrial, su historia, la transmisión del legado cultural y el sentido de pertenencia de los sujetos que viven e interactúan en él. Se parte de las siguientes hipótesis: los migrantes internos se incorporan a la comunidad local escapando de las necesidades económicas de su lugar de origen No obstante, una vez asentados los migrantes toman como propias las representaciones adquiridas confluyendo con las referidas a la pertenencia barrial. Si la escuela pretende que la identidad de los migrantes sea absorbida como una adaptación pasiva al canon cultural, esta fracasa en aquellos aspectos que hacen al legado cultural, aunque continúe con la reproducción de ciertos aspectos de la homogeneización y de las diferencias sociales. La metodología cualitativa se ajusta a las pretensiones establecidas. El análisis de entrevistas, documentos, y datos censales es utilizado siendo triangulados los datos para una mejor precisión de la información referida. Consecuentemente, se efectúa el examen del impacto de los movimientos migratorios interprovinciales e internos de la ciudad que conllevan a poblar y a extender el tejido social del barrio y sus alcances en la transmisión del legado cultural en la escuela. Los resultados ponen en evidencia que el arbitrario cultural dominante, a través de sus propios cánones, no que lineal ni se apoderó totalmente de toda la escuela No. 91. Al tener un sentido de pertenencia e identificación suprema con el barrio, no habría reproducido totalmente y sin cuestionamientos el canon cultural dominante. Implícitamente y quizá espontáneamente, las prácticas reprodujeron el mandato del discurso del conjunto social, amalgamado con los aprendizajes socialmente significativos del legado de la comunidad. Por último, hacia fines de los noventa, la vida cotidiana barrial se torna altamente fragmentada e individualizada sin expectativas de configurar un proyecto común. Estas características también se observaron en la práctica docente: la pérdida en el tiempo, del sentido histórico, que ocasiona un resquebrajamiento en los vínculos sociales.

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Esta es una tesis situada en el campo de estudios interdisciplinario de las Ciencias de la Educación, la Historia y la Psicología Social, por lo que es denominada como un estudio acerca de la educación, y su historia psicosocial. La identidad es un concepto sumamente prolífico a la hora de pensar las problemáticas educativas en claves históricas y psicosociales. Si a esto se le agrega la interacción con los cánones escolares, se alcanza un campo rico y fértil para ser investigado. A partir de ahí, la investigación se propone por objetivo general, producir un conocimiento explicativo en torno a la configuración de identidad y el impacto producido por los cánones culturales de la escuela en la herencia cultural de las poblaciones migratorias. A los fines de situar empíricamente el objeto, la dimensión espacial elegida, ha sido una comunidad de la ciudad de Rosario, Santa Fe. El barrio Belgrano y, en particular, la escuela No 91 República Federativa de Brasil, que es la oferta educativa estatal de nivel primario vinculada al mismo. Se desarrollan elementos analíticos que hacen a la configuración socio-histórica (segunda mitad del siglo XX) y educativa del barrio Belgrano. Se trabajan categorías que involucran a la identidad barrial, su historia, la transmisión del legado cultural y el sentido de pertenencia de los sujetos que viven e interactúan en él. Se parte de las siguientes hipótesis: los migrantes internos se incorporan a la comunidad local escapando de las necesidades económicas de su lugar de origen No obstante, una vez asentados los migrantes toman como propias las representaciones adquiridas confluyendo con las referidas a la pertenencia barrial. Si la escuela pretende que la identidad de los migrantes sea absorbida como una adaptación pasiva al canon cultural, esta fracasa en aquellos aspectos que hacen al legado cultural, aunque continúe con la reproducción de ciertos aspectos de la homogeneización y de las diferencias sociales. La metodología cualitativa se ajusta a las pretensiones establecidas. El análisis de entrevistas, documentos, y datos censales es utilizado siendo triangulados los datos para una mejor precisión de la información referida. Consecuentemente, se efectúa el examen del impacto de los movimientos migratorios interprovinciales e internos de la ciudad que conllevan a poblar y a extender el tejido social del barrio y sus alcances en la transmisión del legado cultural en la escuela. Los resultados ponen en evidencia que el arbitrario cultural dominante, a través de sus propios cánones, no que lineal ni se apoderó totalmente de toda la escuela No. 91. Al tener un sentido de pertenencia e identificación suprema con el barrio, no habría reproducido totalmente y sin cuestionamientos el canon cultural dominante. Implícitamente y quizá espontáneamente, las prácticas reprodujeron el mandato del discurso del conjunto social, amalgamado con los aprendizajes socialmente significativos del legado de la comunidad. Por último, hacia fines de los noventa, la vida cotidiana barrial se torna altamente fragmentada e individualizada sin expectativas de configurar un proyecto común. Estas características también se observaron en la práctica docente: la pérdida en el tiempo, del sentido histórico, que ocasiona un resquebrajamiento en los vínculos sociales.

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Esta es una tesis situada en el campo de estudios interdisciplinario de las Ciencias de la Educación, la Historia y la Psicología Social, por lo que es denominada como un estudio acerca de la educación, y su historia psicosocial. La identidad es un concepto sumamente prolífico a la hora de pensar las problemáticas educativas en claves históricas y psicosociales. Si a esto se le agrega la interacción con los cánones escolares, se alcanza un campo rico y fértil para ser investigado. A partir de ahí, la investigación se propone por objetivo general, producir un conocimiento explicativo en torno a la configuración de identidad y el impacto producido por los cánones culturales de la escuela en la herencia cultural de las poblaciones migratorias. A los fines de situar empíricamente el objeto, la dimensión espacial elegida, ha sido una comunidad de la ciudad de Rosario, Santa Fe. El barrio Belgrano y, en particular, la escuela No 91 República Federativa de Brasil, que es la oferta educativa estatal de nivel primario vinculada al mismo. Se desarrollan elementos analíticos que hacen a la configuración socio-histórica (segunda mitad del siglo XX) y educativa del barrio Belgrano. Se trabajan categorías que involucran a la identidad barrial, su historia, la transmisión del legado cultural y el sentido de pertenencia de los sujetos que viven e interactúan en él. Se parte de las siguientes hipótesis: los migrantes internos se incorporan a la comunidad local escapando de las necesidades económicas de su lugar de origen No obstante, una vez asentados los migrantes toman como propias las representaciones adquiridas confluyendo con las referidas a la pertenencia barrial. Si la escuela pretende que la identidad de los migrantes sea absorbida como una adaptación pasiva al canon cultural, esta fracasa en aquellos aspectos que hacen al legado cultural, aunque continúe con la reproducción de ciertos aspectos de la homogeneización y de las diferencias sociales. La metodología cualitativa se ajusta a las pretensiones establecidas. El análisis de entrevistas, documentos, y datos censales es utilizado siendo triangulados los datos para una mejor precisión de la información referida. Consecuentemente, se efectúa el examen del impacto de los movimientos migratorios interprovinciales e internos de la ciudad que conllevan a poblar y a extender el tejido social del barrio y sus alcances en la transmisión del legado cultural en la escuela. Los resultados ponen en evidencia que el arbitrario cultural dominante, a través de sus propios cánones, no que lineal ni se apoderó totalmente de toda la escuela No. 91. Al tener un sentido de pertenencia e identificación suprema con el barrio, no habría reproducido totalmente y sin cuestionamientos el canon cultural dominante. Implícitamente y quizá espontáneamente, las prácticas reprodujeron el mandato del discurso del conjunto social, amalgamado con los aprendizajes socialmente significativos del legado de la comunidad. Por último, hacia fines de los noventa, la vida cotidiana barrial se torna altamente fragmentada e individualizada sin expectativas de configurar un proyecto común. Estas características también se observaron en la práctica docente: la pérdida en el tiempo, del sentido histórico, que ocasiona un resquebrajamiento en los vínculos sociales.

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Globalization generates economic growth that is dominated by the free market dynamics of liberalization, deregulation, and privatization. The benefits of this growth are not distributed equally. The resulting inequities cause poverty, marginalization, exclusion, and instability. People respond to these inequities in both positive/nonviolent and negative/violent ways. This capstone project investigates the reasons for divergent responses to globalization by contrasting the underlying social factors in two case studies: peace communities in Colombia and piracy in Somalia. By measuring the level of vulnerability, considering security in a variety of domains, and examining stress on socio-cultural norms, this project develops a social factors framework for understanding the reasons for negative/violent versus positive/nonviolent responses to globalization.

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This monograph begins with a case study that provides a means for analyzing the complexity of organizational leadership in the contemporary security environment. As such, it presents a high stakes problem-set that required an operational adaptation by a cavalry squadron conducting combat operations in Baghdad. This problematic reality triggered the struggle to find a creative response to a very deadly problem, while cultural norms served as barriers that prevented the rejection of previously accepted solutions that had proven successful in the past, even though those successful solutions no longer fit in the context of the reality of the present. The case study highlights leaders who were constrained by deeply-held assumptions that inhibited their ability to adapt quickly to a changed environment. The case study then moves on to provide an example of a successful application of adaptive leadership and adaptive work that was performed by the organization after a period of reflection and the willingness to experiment and assume risk. The case study serves as a microcosm of the challenges facing the U.S. Army, and the corresponding leadership framework presented in this monograph can be used as a model for the Army as it attempts to move forward in its effort to make adaptation an institutional imperative. The paper presents a more holistic approach to leadership where the leader transcends that of simply being an authority figure and becomes a real leader who provides a safe and creative learning environment where the organization can tackle and solve adaptive challenges. The paper concludes by recommending that U.S. Army leaders apply Harvard Professor Dean Williams's theory to the challenges confronting the Army's leader development process thereby fostering a culture of adaptive leaders.