Europeanising the 'Kosovo question'?:Serbia's policies in the context of EU integration

The issues of Kosovo intependence and European Union membership have dominated Serbian domestic politics and foreign policy since the fall of Slobodan Milosevic in 2000. Despite the lack of formal conditionality on the Kosovo issue, Serbia's isnsitence on its uncompromising 'no recognition' Kosovo policy has been detrimental to its EU candidacy aspirations. This article examines Serbia's Kosovo policies in the context of EU integration, examining in particular the divergence between SErbia's stance towards Kosovo and its aspirations towards EU candidacy.

The EU and democratic leverage:are there still lessons to be learnt from the Spanish transition to democracy?

The issue of conditionality and how the EU should seek to influence positive transformations in its periphery is as relevant today as it was in the early 1990s. There are some important lessons that can still be learned from the Spanish transition to democracy in this respect. By combining strict conditionality with its ‘normative power’, the European Community managed to shape—if not make—the Spanish transition to democracy. The consensus surrounding European integration worked as a unifying factor amongst all of the elite groups by giving them a common goal. This broad consensus ensured that no elite group could act in the sort of irresponsible way that could jeopardise the democratisation process and, by inference, the integration of Spain with the Community. At the same time, the EC worked as a sort of moderating force. Neither of these positive effects would have occurred had the EC not used its leverage potential and remained firmed in its stance of conditioning accession to Spain taking clear steps towards democratisation.

Europeanization from below:the formation of gender equality policies in the Western Balkans

The article argues that, compared with the other countries in the Western Balkans, the Europeanization of gender equality policies in Bosnia and Herzegovina represents an interesting case of "Europeanization from below". It was not the EU, which called for the introduction of gender equality policies in the Stabilization and Association Process, but domestic policy entrepreneurs, who constructed a "shadow of membership conditionality". They framed their requests as element of the accession process tapping into the aspiration of policy-makers to joining the EU. The case illustrates that Europeanization matters in the Western Balkans, not only in terms of a direct influence of the EU but also because it provides opportunities for domestic policy entrepreneurs to further European objectives themselves.

Az Európai Unió nemzetközi fejlesztéspolitikája előtt álló kihívások és válaszok (EU’s international development policy – challenges and answers)

A tanulmány röviden áttekinti, hogy milyen kihívások érték az elmúlt években az EU nemzetközi fejlesztéspolitikáját, és milyen válaszokat adott ezekre a Közösség. A Bizottság által 2011-ben kiadott Agenda for Change című zöld könyv a közös fejlesztéspolitikát erőteljesebb normatív alapokra igyekszik helyezni és a demokrácia és jó kormányzás támogatását teszi az EU egyik fő célkitűzéséve a fejlődő országokban. Mindez a gyakorlatban erőteljesebb kondicionalitást és szelektivitást fog jelenteni az európai segélyezésben. _____ The paper briefly reviews the challenges that the EU’s international development policy faced in recent years and the answers the Community has provided to these. A green paper published by the Commission in 2011, the Agenda for Change attempts to place development policy on a stronger normative basis by making the support of good governance and democracy one of the main goals of the EU in developing countries. In practice, this will mean stronger conditionality and greater selectivity in EC aid.

Essays on political economy

The first chapter analizes conditional assistance programs. They generate conflicting relationships between international financial institutions (IFIs) and member countries. The experience of IFIs with conditionality in the 1990s led them to allow countries more latitude in the design of their reform programs. A reformist government does not need conditionality and it is useless if it does not want to reform. A government that faces opposition may use conditionality and the help of pro-reform lobbies as a lever to counteract anti-reform groups and succeed in implementing reforms.^ The second chapter analizes economies saddled with taxes and regulations. I consider an economy in which many taxes, subsidies, and other distortionary restrictions are in place simultaneously. If I start from an inefficient laissez-faire equilibrium because of some domestic distortion, a small trade tax or subsidy can yield a first-order welfare improvement, even if the instrument itself creates distortions of its own. This may result in "welfare paradoxes". The purpose of the chapter is to quantify the welfare effects of changes in tax rates in a small open economy. I conduct the simulation in the context of an intertemporal utility maximization framework. I apply numerical methods to the model developed by Karayalcin. I introduce changes in the tax rates and quantify both the impact on welfare, consumption and foreign assets, and the path to the new steady-state values.^ The third chapter studies the role of stock markets and adjustment costs in the international transmission of supply shocks. The analysis of the transmission of a positive supply shock that originates in one of the countries shows that on impact the shock leads to an inmediate stock market boom enjoying the technological advance, while the other country suffers from depress stock market prices as demand for its equity declines. A period of adjustment begins culminating in a steady state capital and output level that is identical to the one before the shock. The the capital stock of one country undergoes a non-monotonic adjustment. The model is tested with plausible values of the variables and the numeric results confirm the predictions of the theory.^

European integration and democratic consolidation: Spain, Poland and Turkey in comparative perspective

The study explored when, under what conditions, and to what extent did European integration, particularly the European Union’s requirement for democratic conditionality, contribute to democratic consolidation in Spain, Poland, and Turkey? On the basis of a four-part definition, the dissertation examined the democratizing impact of European integration process on each of the following four components of consolidation: (i) holding of fair, free and competitive elections, (ii) protection of fundamental rights, including human and minority rights, (iii) high prospects of regime survival and civilian control of the military, and (iv) legitimacy, elite consensus, and stateness. To assess the relative significance of EU’s democratizing leverage, the thesis also examined domestic and non-EU international dynamics of democratic consolidation in the three countries. By employing two qualitative methods (case study and process-tracing), the study focused on three specific time frames: 1977–1986 for Spain, 1994–2004 for Poland, and 1999–present for Turkey. In addition to official documents, newspapers, and secondary sources, face-to-face interviews made with politicians, academics, experts, bureaucrats, and journalists in the three countries were utilized. The thesis generated several conclusions. First of all, the EU’s democratizing impact is not uniform across different components of democratic consolidation. Moreover, the EU’s democratizing leverage in Spain, Poland, and Turkey involved variations over time for three major reasons: (i) the changing nature of EU’s democratic conditionality over time (ii) varying levels of the EU’s credible commitment to the candidate country’s prospect for membership, and (iii) domestic dynamics in the candidate countries. Furthermore, the European integration process favors democratic consolidation but its magnitude is shaped by the candidate country’s prospect for EU membership and domestic factors in the candidate country. Finally, the study involves a major policy implication for the European Union: unless the EU provides a clear prospect for membership, its democratizing leverage will be limited in the candidate countries.

Democracy promotion and Turkey

The dissertation documented the degree of Turkey's involvement in the promotion of democracy in the Arab Middle East (ME). Initially, I investigated why and under what conditions Turkey promotes democracy in the ME, and then I explained strategies through which Turkey promotes democracy in the region. I applied the neo-classical realist theoretical framework and a mixed methodology in the research, and I provided evidence from two sources: face-to-face interviews with the Turkish and foreign officials and common citizens, and the statistical data from institutions, such as the OECD, Turkish Statistical Institute, and World Bank.^ My research indicates that Turkey promotes democracy through seven channels. These channels are official development assistance (ODA), mentoring, demonstrative effect, normative pressure, conditionality, military power, enlargement, and civil society organizations. Turkey promotes democracy in the ME for three substantial reasons: first, to advance its security and economic interests; second, to improve the political, social, and economic conditions of people living in the region; and third, to create long-term regional stability, crucial for cooperation in economic and security realms.^ I attempted to engage in debates with two distinct, but interrelated fields of comparative politics and international relations. My most important contribution to the field is that I documented Turkey's case of democracy promotion regarding the degree of Turkey's involvement in this endeavor, its strategies, specificities, and effectiveness in the region. I also contribute to the field as I explained the difference between democracy promotion policies of a regional power, such as Turkey, and global powers, such as the US. I further engaged in discussions that illuminate some aspects of the interplay between the identity and strategic interests in states' foreign policy decisions.^

Essays On Political Economy

The first chapter analizes conditional assistance programs. They generate conflicting relationships between international financial institutions (IFIs) and member countries. The experience of IFIs with conditionality in the 1990s led them to allow countries more latitude in the design of their reform programs. A reformist government does not need conditionality and it is useless if it does not want to reform. A government that faces opposition may use conditionality and the help of pro-reform lobbies as a lever to counteract anti-reform groups and succeed in implementing reforms. The second chapter analizes economies saddled with taxes and regulations. I consider an economy in which many taxes, subsidies, and other distortionary restrictions are in place simultaneously. If I start from an inefficient laissez-faire equilibrium because of some domestic distortion, a small trade tax or subsidy can yield a first-order welfare improvement, even if the instrument itself creates distortions of its own. This may result in "welfare paradoxes". The purpose of the chapter is to quantify the welfare effects of changes in tax rates in a small open economy. I conduct the simulation in the context of an intertemporal utility maximization framework. I apply numerical methods to the model developed by Karayalcin. I introduce changes in the tax rates and quantify both the impact on welfare, consumption and foreign assets, and the path to the new steady-state values. The third chapter studies the role of stock markets and adjustment costs in the international transmission of supply shocks. The analysis of the transmission of a positive supply shock that originates in one of the countries shows that on impact the shock leads to an inmediate stock market boom enjoying the technological advance, while the other country suffers from depress stock market prices as demand for its equity declines. A period of adjustment begins culminating in a steady state capital and output level that is identical to the one before the shock. The the capital stock of one country undergoes a non-monotonic adjustment. The model is tested with plausible values of the variables and the numeric results confirm the predictions of the theory.

Avaliação das condicionalidades em saúde do Programa Bolsa Família

The programs of conditional cash transfer are widespread in developing countries in Latin America with emphasis on Brazil as a new paradigm in social p olicies for poverty eradication . Consist of transferring monetary funds from the government directly to poor families by fulfilling the condition alities on education and health . In health, even wi th variations between countries , conditionality targeting public pregnant women and children with a view to improving health indic ators maternoinfantil as growth , infant mortality and prenatal care. The objectives of this study are to compare the transfer progr am conditional Brazilian income , the Family and similar programs in Latin A merica in relation to it s effects on growth in children , and to evaluate the effect of Bolsa Família in the prevalence of use of services ( conditionalities ) of prenatal care in Brazilian health services whose teams joined the Programa de Acesso e Melhoria da Qualidade da Atenção Básica (PMAQ - AB) . For the first objective a systematic review , we selec ted ten articles between 1007 ( one thousand and seven ) found in the databases Embase , PubMed, Scopus , Scielo and Lilacs databases was performed . Articles are ob servational epidemiological studies of transverse descriptive and analytical types of cohort and case - co ntrol. For the second objective, for it is a prevalence study , a statistical analysis using Poisson regression with robust variance was performed to i nvestigate how the prevalence of compliance with conditionalities on health was influenced b y various explanatory variables . Ratios , crude and adjusted prevalence , with their respective confidence i ntervals of 95 % were estimated . The family joined the sch olarship program was considered as the main expo sure variable . Confounding variables were: maternal age , race / color, paid employment , marital status and region of residence . In d ata analysis software R 3.0.1 (RDevelopment Core Team 2013 ) was used . Rega rding the comparison of the Bolsa Família with other programs in Latin America , the review found similar results regarding the positive effect of income transfer in the nutritional status o f beneficiary children programs , and these effects are more evident in children under two years old and belonging to familie s of lower socioeconomic status . For the prevalence of conditionalities entres different groups of users of the Bolsa Família and nonusers results showed no statistically significant difference betwe en respondents (with children under two years ) registered and not registered in PBF on issues relating to: me et at least six prenatal visits , meet and participate in health education activities . It follows from side to increase minimum income for families in extreme poverty showed positive impact on children's health in Brazil and Latin America. The o ther is not confirmed in Brazil , an increase in conditionality expressed in use of primary care by the user s of the Bolsa Família services.

Capacidades estatais para implementação de políticas públicas em ambientes federativos: o caso do Programa Bolsa Família

This thesis aims to understand the extent to which state capacities of state governments explain the effectiveness of the implementation of Programa Bolsa Família (PBF) in the Northeast, adopting the implementation of the theory as the main theoretical lens and more specifically the concept of state capacity. Methodologically is a study of public policy evaluation, and categorized as a process of evaluation study or implementation. Given the specificity of the object is classified as a multi case study research covering the states of Sergipe, Rio Grande do Norte and Bahia. In addition to using secondary data, the study used semi-structured interviews with members of Intersectoral Committees responsible for the actions of PBF and the Cadastro Único at the state level, composed of representatives of the areas of the state government of Social Welfare, Education and Health. the main findings related to technical and administrative capacities and policies were found: infrastructure with weakness in human resources, technological and financial resources; intra-governmental coordination with boundaries between PBF and Unified Social Assistance System , and the actions of conditionality of health and Health Unic System Basic Attention; intergovernmental coordination carried out mostly by the distance limitations of displacement and incipient regional decentralization of actions; based monitoring in the municipalities of lower performance and from the parameters placed by the federal government and political capacities; representative political system is hardly accessed by instances of program management; minor social participation and low articulation with related issues advice to PBF; audit control by any outside agencies. The thesis concludes that depending on the capabilities found implementing weaknesses are not unique to the program's actions, but from the very institutional capacity of the systems in which it operates that are the Unified Social Assistance System, the Health Unic System and the Educational System. In other words limitations of their own state capacities of the state governments and the municipal governments of each territory, such as quantitative insufficiency and qualification of human resources, financial and institutional resources, lack instance promoting decentralization (Intergovernmental and intra-governmental) as well the weakness or absence of a network of local social services are also factors that explain the program management performance and state capabilities of arrangements formed by states and municipalities in the PBF, only to partially deal with the complexity of joints involving Implementation of the program with regard to inter and intra-governmental action.

Capacidades estatais para implementação de políticas públicas em ambientes federativos: o caso do Programa Bolsa Família

This thesis aims to understand the extent to which state capacities of state governments explain the effectiveness of the implementation of Programa Bolsa Família (PBF) in the Northeast, adopting the implementation of the theory as the main theoretical lens and more specifically the concept of state capacity. Methodologically is a study of public policy evaluation, and categorized as a process of evaluation study or implementation. Given the specificity of the object is classified as a multi case study research covering the states of Sergipe, Rio Grande do Norte and Bahia. In addition to using secondary data, the study used semi-structured interviews with members of Intersectoral Committees responsible for the actions of PBF and the Cadastro Único at the state level, composed of representatives of the areas of the state government of Social Welfare, Education and Health. the main findings related to technical and administrative capacities and policies were found: infrastructure with weakness in human resources, technological and financial resources; intra-governmental coordination with boundaries between PBF and Unified Social Assistance System , and the actions of conditionality of health and Health Unic System Basic Attention; intergovernmental coordination carried out mostly by the distance limitations of displacement and incipient regional decentralization of actions; based monitoring in the municipalities of lower performance and from the parameters placed by the federal government and political capacities; representative political system is hardly accessed by instances of program management; minor social participation and low articulation with related issues advice to PBF; audit control by any outside agencies. The thesis concludes that depending on the capabilities found implementing weaknesses are not unique to the program's actions, but from the very institutional capacity of the systems in which it operates that are the Unified Social Assistance System, the Health Unic System and the Educational System. In other words limitations of their own state capacities of the state governments and the municipal governments of each territory, such as quantitative insufficiency and qualification of human resources, financial and institutional resources, lack instance promoting decentralization (Intergovernmental and intra-governmental) as well the weakness or absence of a network of local social services are also factors that explain the program management performance and state capabilities of arrangements formed by states and municipalities in the PBF, only to partially deal with the complexity of joints involving Implementation of the program with regard to inter and intra-governmental action.

On the Regulation of Small Actors: Three Experimental Essays about Policies based on Voluntary Compliance and Decentralized Monitoring

Monitoring and enforcement are perhaps the biggest challenges in the design and implementation of environmental policies in developing countries where the actions of many small informal actors cause significant impacts on the ecosystem services and where the transaction costs for the state to regulate them could be enormous. This dissertation studies the potential of innovative institutions based on decentralized coordination and enforcement to induce better environmental outcomes. Such policies have in common that the state plays the role of providing the incentives for organization but the process of compliance happens through decentralized agreements, trust building, signaling and monitoring. I draw from the literatures in collective action, common-pool resources, game-theory and non-point source pollution to develop the instruments proposed here. To test the different conditions in which such policies could be implemented I designed two field-experiments that I conducted with small-scale gold miners in the Colombian Pacific and with users and providers of ecosystem services in the states of Veracruz, Quintana Roo and Yucatan in Mexico. This dissertation is organized in three essays.

The first essay, “Collective Incentives for Cleaner Small-Scale Gold Mining on the Frontier: Experimental Tests of Compliance with Group Incentives given Limited State Monitoring”, examines whether collective incentives, i.e. incentives provided to a group conditional on collective compliance, could “outsource” the required local monitoring, i.e. induce group interactions that extend the reach of the state that can observe only aggregate consequences in the context of small-scale gold mining. I employed a framed field-lab experiment in which the miners make decisions regarding mining intensity. The state sets a collective target for an environmental outcome, verifies compliance and provides a group reward for compliance which is split equally among members. Since the target set by the state transforms the situation into a coordination game, outcomes depend on expectations of what others will do. I conducted this experiment with 640 participants in a mining region of the Colombian Pacific and I examine different levels of policy severity and their ordering. The findings of the experiment suggest that such instruments can induce compliance but this regulation involves tradeoffs. For most severe targets – with rewards just above costs – raise gains if successful but can collapse rapidly and completely. In terms of group interactions, better outcomes are found when severity initially is lower suggesting learning.

The second essay, “Collective Compliance can be Efficient and Inequitable: Impacts of Leaders among Small-Scale Gold Miners in Colombia”, explores the channels through which communication help groups to coordinate in presence of collective incentives and whether the reached solutions are equitable or not. Also in the context of small-scale gold mining in the Colombian Pacific, I test the effect of communication in compliance with a collective environmental target. The results suggest that communication, as expected, helps to solve coordination challenges but still some groups reach agreements involving unequal outcomes. By examining the agreements that took place in each group, I observe that the main coordination mechanism was the presence of leaders that help other group members to clarify the situation. Interestingly, leaders not only helped groups to reach efficiency but also played a key role in equity by defining how the costs of compliance would be distributed among group members.

The third essay, “Creating Local PES Institutions and Increasing Impacts of PES in Mexico: A real-Time Watershed-Level Framed Field Experiment on Coordination and Conditionality”, considers the creation of a local payments for ecosystem services (PES) mechanism as an assurance game that requires the coordination between two groups of participants: upstream and downstream. Based on this assurance interaction, I explore the effect of allowing peer-sanctions on upstream behavior in the functioning of the mechanism. This field-lab experiment was implemented in three real cases of the Mexican Fondos Concurrentes (matching funds) program in the states of Veracruz, Quintana Roo and Yucatan, where 240 real users and 240 real providers of hydrological services were recruited and interacted with each other in real time. The experimental results suggest that initial trust-game behaviors align with participants’ perceptions and predicts baseline giving in assurance game. For upstream providers, i.e. those who get sanctioned, the threat and the use of sanctions increase contributions. Downstream users contribute less when offered the option to sanction – as if that option signal an uncooperative upstream – then the contributions rise in line with the complementarity in payments of the assurance game.

Rethinking the Conflict-Poverty Nexus: From Securitising Intervention to Resilience

We are witnessing nothing less than a revolution in international policy-thinking, with a shift from imagining that international policy-makers can solve development/ security problems through the export or transfer of policy practices or their imposition through conditionality, to understanding that problems should be grasped as emergent consequences of complex social processes which need to be worked with rather than against. This paper, prepared for the 2014 CEPA conference, focuses therefore less on the politicisation and securitisation of questions of conflict and poverty and more on the depoliticisation of questions of conflict and poverty, especially through frameworks of resilience.

La détermination des droits et des obligations relatifs à l'aide sociale en Allemagne : le cas des individus seuls aptes à l'emploi

Ce mémoire vise à comprendre la détermination des droits et des obligations relatifs aux individus seuls aptes à l’emploi bénéficiant de l’aide sociale allemande entre 1990 et 2012. Tout d’abord, il passe en revue les principaux mécanismes formels de fixation et d’actualisation des droits monétaires présents dans la plupart des pays de l’OCDE et montre par quels moyens l’Allemagne détermine la générosité des revenus de l’aide sociale. Soulevant le caractère plutôt arbitraire de ces mécanismes, il poursuit en soutenant que la générosité relative des droits et des obligations des individus seuls aptes à l’emploi peut principalement s’expliquer en des termes de conditionnalité et de mérite. Par le biais d’une revue de la littérature sur le sujet, le mémoire illustre comment les dynamiques catégorielles et la construction des programmes de dernier recours allemands en viennent à refléter une hiérarchie implicite du mérite expliquant à la fois la générosité plus faible des droits monétaires et la plus grande conditionnalité des droits sociaux visant les bénéficiaires seuls aptes à l’emploi. Finalement, il soutient que la construction du régime concernant les individus aptes à l’emploi en Allemagne doit se comprendre selon l’utilisation des droits et des obligations en tant que levier de régulation de l’individu et du marché du travail. Dans cette optique, le mémoire montre que les réformes Hartz du marché du travail ont non seulement formalisé le tournant pris vers l’activation du sans-emploi en Allemagne, mais que la construction particulière du nouveau régime de droits et d’obligations visant les individus aptes reflète ultimement l’objectif de diminution du chômage via la création d’emplois dans le secteur des bas salaires.