282 resultados para Conciliation


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Commentaire / Commentary

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The UNESCO Convention on cultural diversity marks a wilful separation between the issues of trade and culture on the international level. The present article explores this intensified institutional, policy- and decision-making disconnect and exposes its flaws and the considerable drawbacks it brings with it. These drawbacks, the article argues, become particularly pronounced in the digital media environment that has impacted upon both the conditions of trade with cultural products and services and upon the diversity of cultural expressions in local and global contexts. Criticising the strong and now increasingly meaningless path dependencies of the analogue age, the article sketches some possible ways to reconciling trade and culture, most of which lead back to the WTO, rather than to UNESCO.

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This research project examines the role of electoral system rules in affecting the extent of conciliatory behavior and cross-ethnic coalition making in Northern Ireland. It focuses on the role of the Single Transferable Vote (STV) electoral system in shaping party and voter incentives in a post-conflict divided society. The research uses a structured, focused comparison of the four electoral cycles since the Belfast Agreement of 1998. This enables a systematic examination of each electoral cycle using a common set of criteria focused on conciliation and cross-ethnic coalition making. Whilst preference voting is assumed to benefit moderate candidates, in Northern Ireland centrist and multi-ethnic parties outside of the dominant ethnic communities have received little electoral success. In Northern Ireland the primary effect of STV has not been to encourage inter-communal voting but to facilitate intra-community and intra-party moderation. STV has encouraged the moderation of the historically extreme political parties in each of the ethnic bloc. Patterns across electoral cycles suggest that party elites from the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) and Sinn Fein have moderated their policy positions due to the electoral system rules. Therefore they have pursued lower-preference votes from within their ethnic bloc but in doing so have marginalized parties of a multi-ethnic or non-ethnic orientation.

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Ce travail de recherche s’est intéressé aux mères adolescentes du Gabon, pays d’Afrique Centrale. S’inscrivant en faux contre l’idée préconçue selon laquelle les grossesses à l’adolescence conduisent inéluctablement au décrochage scolaire, les résultats de recherche présentés dans ce document rendent plutôt compte d’expériences inverses, à savoir celles des mères adolescentes qui parviennent à persévérer dans leurs études. Le présent mémoire vise à comprendre et à analyser le vécu des jeunes filles mères scolarisées. Il questionne le parcours de vie de ces « mamans ados » et conséquemment les mécanismes qui leur permettent de concilier études et maternité. La démarche repose sur une méthode qualitative. Des entretiens semi-directifs auprès de 18 jeunes filles mères scolarisées ont été conduits à Libreville, capitale gabonaise. Les jeunes filles rencontrées étaient âgées de 15 à 19 ans. Les entrevues ont été enregistrées et retranscrites. Quels sont les facteurs favorisant la conciliation études/maternité chez les jeunes filles ? Nos données ont permis de mettre en évidence quatre facteurs cruciaux à cet égard. Ces facteurs sont premièrement, une capacité d’organisation et un degré d’auto-responsabilisation très poussés chez ces jeunes filles ; deuxièmement, l’activation d’un soutien important de la part du réseau familial ; troisièmement, une implication et des aides importantes apportées par le père de l’enfant ; enfin, une valorisation affirmée de l’éducation de la part des parents de la jeune mère. Il ressort aussi de nos analyses que moyennant au moins l’un, sinon plusieurs, de ces facteurs, les jeunes mères adolescentes à Libreville parviennent à mener de front études et maternité. Cela veut dire que le décrochage scolaire chez les mères adolescentes n’est pas une fatalité si des formes d’accompagnement et de soutien existent.

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European Union energy policy calls for nothing less than a profound transformation of the EU's energy system: by 2050 decarbonised electricity generation with 80-95% fewer greenhouse gas emissions, increased use of renewables, more energy efficiency, a functioning energy market and increased security of supply are to be achieved. Different EU policies (e.g., EU climate and energy package for 2020) are intended to create the political and regulatory framework for this transformation. The sectorial dynamics resulting from these EU policies already affect the systems of electricity generation, transportation and storage in Europe, and the more effective the implementation of new measures the more the structure of Europe's power system will change in the years to come. Recent initiatives such as the 2030 climate/energy package and the Energy Union are supposed to keep this dynamic up. Setting new EU targets, however, is not necessarily the same as meeting them. The impact of EU energy policy is likely to have considerable geo-economic implications for individual member states: with increasing market integration come new competitors; coal and gas power plants face new renewable challengers domestically and abroad; and diversification towards new suppliers will result in new trade routes, entry points and infrastructure. Where these implications are at odds with powerful national interests, any member state may point to Article 194, 2 of the Lisbon Treaty and argue that the EU's energy policy agenda interferes with its given right to determine the conditions for exploiting its energy resources, the choice between different energy sources and the general structure of its energy supply. The implementation of new policy initiatives therefore involves intense negotiations to conciliate contradicting interests, something that traditionally has been far from easy to achieve. In areas where this process runs into difficulties, the transfer of sovereignty to the European level is usually to be found amongst the suggested solutions. Pooling sovereignty on a new level, however, does not automatically result in a consensus, i.e., conciliate contradicting interests. Rather than focussing on the right level of decision making, European policy makers need to face the (inconvenient truth of) geo-economical frictions within the Union that make it difficult to come to an arrangement. The reminder of this text explains these latter, more structural and sector-related challenges for European energy policy in more detail, and develops some concrete steps towards a political and regulatory framework necessary to overcome them.

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The Council of Mutual Economic Assistance is the least known of all the regional organizations. This is attributable partly to the fact that it was largely dormant from its inception in 1949 until the late 1950s and partly to the scattered and fragmentary nature of information on its activities. The present article is an attempt to bring available knowledge into focus for a coherent pioture of the organization that "will probably play an increasing role in the economic development of East Central Europe." COMECON is of interest not only because of its importance as one of the regional bodies shaping a network of relations among European countries. Its interest lies also in the light it throws on the particular problems faced by centrally planned economies when they try to integrate and in its demonstration that international organizations have a life of their own.