Den Sociala Musikscenen : Intervjuundersökning med musiker och ljudtekniker om deras arbeten med scenframträdanden

Genom en intervjuundersökning med några verksamma ljudtekniker och musiker är syftet med undersökningen att redogöra för viktiga förutsättningar för musikers och ljudteknikers sociala samspel vid scenframträdanden. Problemområdet består av tidigare forskning om musikers och ljudteknikers samspel och arbetsdelning vid inspelningar i studiomiljö. Undersökningens frågeställning är: Vilka förutsättningar för ett socialt samspel anser internationellt aktiva musiker och ljudtekniker vara viktigast under scenframträdanden? Analysen har gjorts med teori om konventioner för konstnärers och hantverkares samspel från Howard Becker (1982) samt hur sociala relationsband stärks i personliga nätverk från Granovetter (1973). Resultatet visar att en bakgrund som musiker var viktigt för ljudteknikerna, medhörning och publikrespons var viktigt för musikerna, samspel kommuniceras med gester och ljudtekniker har idag utökade ansvarsområden än tidigare. Arbetets förutsättningar i och utanför Sverige var liknande när det gällde teknik men skiljer sig på annat sätt. Det sociala samspelet var nödvändigt för ljudteknikernas personliga nätverk. Undersökningens resultat bidrar till kunskapsområdet som är relevant för blivande eller professionella ljudtekniker och musiker för att bidra till vidare undersökningar.

Howard, Downer and the Liberals' realist tradition

The successive Howard Governments sought not only to make foreign policy in response to new regional and global agendas, but to respond to and to seek to manage new forms of electoral challenge with new forms of nationalism. This has resulted in a set of important departures from the major Liberal tradition in international affairs, the claim to a realist approach to foreign policy, and has led to the need to manage the consequences of those departures. The boundary that realism sought to draw between the domestic and international politics, as the spheres of values and interests respectively, became increasingly blurred. In relations with the Asian region the expression of strong domestic (nationalist and internationalist) agendas led initially to distancing from Asian engagement. However, from 2002, a more realist-focused external policy led to new forms of state to state re-engagement in pursuit of national interests. In the commitment to military operations in Iraq, the Anzac legend is interpreted to supply nationalist legitimation which would not normally be required for wars fought for realist (i.e. defensive) reasons. A future Liberal prime minister would lack Howard's touch here. In the debate in the Liberal Party over defence doctrine, an attempt by the Defence Minister to reformulate the realist doctrine of Defence of Australia into an expeditionary construct was rejected.

Herbert Spencer in the suburbs? Class, politics, ideology and the Australian petty-bourgeoisie in the Howard years

A dominant trope of media commentary after the 2004 federal election was the rise of blue-collar self-employment and small business and its negative impact on Labor electoral support. In this paper I examine the evidence on the growth of self-employment and small business in Australia since the 1980s and the political consequences of this growth. I consider why the growth of self-employment and small business has been overstated by many observers, and the emergence of a right-wing anti-capitalism in the critique of the dependence of wage-labour. Although the growth of self-employment and small business has been overstated it is a real phenomenon. I extract the rational kernel from the largely ill-informed commentary on this issue and place contemporary debates about self-employment in a historical and global context. I consider why the self-employed and small business were once seen as natural allies of the working-class in a populist coalition but why they are now identified by commentators as hostile to class politics.

John Howard, Australian conservative

John Howard was the first elected Australian prime minister to identify himself as a conservative; he claimed to be a liberal in economic policy and a conservative in social policy.