Il valore del voto: Italia e Spagna nel dibattito sulla rappresentanza politica liberale (1860-1870)

During the 1860's and 1870's, Spain and Italy experienced a convergence of debates on the significance of political representation in the framework of Liberal State. Spain suffered a political and social crisis, ending with the Revolution of 1868 and the adoption of male universal suffrage in 1878. Its coeval Italy began to build its new Kingdom, anxious about state building, as well as the relevance of electoral processes in the Constitutional scheme. Although members of parliament and essayists of both countries well knew their neighbour's political reality, a dialogue on representation didn't occur. Nonetheless, we believe it is useful to analyse the survey drawn by the Italian publicist in the light of current knowledge of the opinions that prevailed in Spain. What sense did they give to the general election? How did they understand the value of the vote? Who were considered eligible voters? These questions comprise the main subjects of the essay.

Forecasting Elections with High Volatility

This article uses data from the social survey Allbus 1998 to introduce a method of forecasting elections in a context of electoral volatility. The approach models the processes of change in electoral behaviour, exploring patterns in order to model the volatility expressed by voters. The forecast is based on the matrix of transition probabilities, following the logic of Markov chains. The power of the matrix, and the use of the mover-stayer model, is debated for alternative forecasts. As an example of high volatility, the model uses data from the German general election of 1998. The unification of two German states in 1990 caused the incorporation of around 15 million new voters from East Germany who had limited familiarity and no direct experience of the political culture in West Germany. Under these circumstances, voters were expected to show high volatility.

A Critique of Kosovo’s Internationalized Constitutional Court. EDAP 2014/02

The quality and the sustainability of the democratic institutions established in post-independence Kosovo under the guidance of the international community depend to a large extent on the performance of its constitutional court. The considerable international investment in that court reflects this assessment. One of the reasons why Kosovo’s international supervision has recently been terminated is that such court has been deemed to be functioning well. But its performance has not yet adequately been scrutinized. This essay reviews its most significant judgments, including decisions that deposed a president, annulled a presidential election, prevented a general election, and abolished the inviolability of parliament. The analysis of the reasons and effects of such rulings leads to the conclusion that the court gravely lacks independence and is subject to heavy political interference, which also the international judges do not seem immune from. The performance of the court is both a manifestation and a cause of Kosovo’s acute governance problems, which its international supervision has failed to remedy. The international community’s approach towards the court is also an illustration of the reasons why statebuilding in Kosovo led to unsatisfactory results, despite unprecedented investment.

spotlight europe #2015/01—April 2015: Turbulent Times in the Disunited Kingdom

The general election on 7th May 2015 is not only going to lead to radical changes in the political landscape. Britain will also have to come up with answers to the European, Scottish and English questions. How this can be done is a moot point. At any rate, it is not going to make EU policymaking any easier.

Flashlight Europe N°4–May 2015. Listen carefully to the British

Other than many have predicted the general election in the United Kingdom have not led to a hung parliament but the opposite: An absolute majority for David Cameron and his Tory party. Thus, the way is paved for the EU referendum. Cameron has promised to let his fellow citizens decide whether they would like to stay on in the EU or rather leave. Charles Grant, director of the Centre for European Reform, tells us what this means for the UK and its relation to Germany and the European Union.

Cameron’s ‘renegotiations’ (or Russian roulette) with the EU: An interim assessment. CEPS Working Document No. 413/September 2015

Since the May 2015 general election when the Tory Party gained an absolute majority in the House of Commons, Prime Minister Cameron has put his campaign into high gear to get a ‘new settlement’ with the EU and invested much personal diplomacy to try to advance his objective. “What does he really want?” is still heard from other EU leaders, yet his agenda is taking rough shape with calls for results under four headings: “competitiveness, sovereignty, social security and economic governance”. These are only code words, however, for a mixed bag of more specific desiderata, which overall seem to be moderate. Impossible demands have been quietly dropped. Some items will still be tricky to negotiate while others can be placed on the agenda for ongoing EU ‘reform’ that can be widely supported. The Brussels side of the affair thus seems manageable, but the wild cards at home in the UK remain or are becoming even wilder. The standard hazards of the referendum instrument are now exacerbated by the unknown quantity of the new Labour leadership alongside the aggressively Eurosceptic majority of Tory MPs and the great migration crisis, which is translating now into a negative factor for the EU in UK opinion polls. This ostensibly very democratic process is looking more and more like a deadly serious game of Russian roulette.

A history of our own times from the accession of Queen Victoria to the Berlin congress.

Vol. 2 has title: A history of our own times from the accession of Queen Victoria to the general election of 1880.

A history of our own times ...

I-II. From the accession of Queen Victoria to the general election of 1880.--III. From 1880 to the diamond jubilee.--IV-V. From the diamond jubilee, 1897, to the accession of King Edward VII.

The land war in Ireland: being a personal narrative of events, in continuation of "A secret history of the English occupation of Egypt,"

I. Gladstone declares for home rule.--II. "Under protection of the league."--III. The general election of 1886.--IV. Vatican politics.--V. Cairo in 1887.--VI. Failure of the Wolff convention.--VII. The Persico mission.--VIII. Balfour chief secretary.--IX. My arrest at Woodford.--X. In gaol.--XI. The papal rescript.--XII. The Parnell Tragedy. A postscript.--Appendices: A. The canon of Aughrim. B. Mr. Blunt to Mr. John Morley. C. Mr. Blunt to the Marquess of Salisbury. D. Mr. Blunt to Mr. Evelyn, M. P. E. Mr. Blunt to Mr. John Morley.--Index.

A history of our own times ...

I-II. From the accession of Queen Victoria to the general election of 1880.--III. From 1880 to the diamond jubilee.--IV-V. From the diamond jubilee, 1897, to the accession of King Edward VII.

Charter of the City of Fresno, California

"Reprint 1"

The Sarkozy effect: France’s new presidential dynamic

The election on 6 May 2007 of Nicolas Sarkozy as President of the Republic ushered in the promise of a new era in France. Sarkozy’s presidency follows those of the Socialist François Mitterrand (1981-95) and the neo-Gaullist Jacques Chirac (1995-2007), who together occupied France’s highest political office for more than a quarter-century. From the outset, Sarkozy’s presidential campaign was predicated on the need for change in France, for a “rupture” with the past; and his emphatic victory against the Socialist Ségolène Royal gave him a mandate to effect this. The legislative elections of June 2007, by assuring a strong majority in the National Assembly for Sarkozy’s centre-right Union pour un Mouvement Populaire (UMP), left the way clear for implementing the new President’s reform agenda over the next five years. This article examines the political context within which Sarkozy was elected to power, the main proposals of his presidential program, the challenges he faces, and his prospects for bringing real change to France.

Policy on the hoof:the handling of the foot and mouth disease outbreak in 2001

The foot and mouth disease (FMD) epidemic of 2001 was a disaster for sections of the agricultural industry, a number of businesses and for the Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food (MAFF), which met its demise as a government department during the crisis, being replaced by the Department of the Environment, Food and Rural Affairs (DEFRA). There were some 2,030 confirmed cases and over four million animals slaughtered. It caused the postponement of local elections and of a general election. From a public policy perspective it raised questions about contingency planning, the adjustment of policy to take account of change and how to manage a crisis. This article focuses on the background to the crisis and how it was handled.

Did they ‘Read before burning’? The Coalition and quangos

Attitudes to quangos are paradoxical. On the one hand they are perceived to be undemocratic, unaccountable organisations, while on the other they are seen to improve effectiveness, limit political interference and increase public confidence in government. This paradox is reflected in the behaviour of political parties, which generally adopt a harsh line towards quangos in opposition, but come to rely on these bodies in office. Ahead of the 2010 general election it was, however, noticeable that the Conservative party rejected this dynamic by promising to pursue ‘a more sophisticated approach’. This article explores the Coalition government's subsequent ‘public bodies reform programme’, assessing its progress against recommendations contained within the Institute for Government's Read before Burning report of July 2010. It concludes that while the Coalition has addressed long-standing concerns about the day-to-day governance of public bodies, it has failed to resolve a set of broader and strategic (metagovernance) issues.

From ‘poor parenting’ to micro-management:coalition governance and the sponsorship of arm’s-length bodies in the United Kingdom, 2010–13

The delegation of public tasks to arm’s-length bodies remains a central feature of contemporary reform agendas within both developed and developing countries. The role and capacity of political and administrative principals (i.e. ministers and departments of state) to control the vast network of arm’s-length bodies for which they are formally responsible is therefore a critical issue within and beyond academe. In the run-up to the 2010 General Election in the United Kingdom, the ‘quango conundrum’ emerged as an important theme and all three major parties committed themselves to shift the balance of power back towards ministers and sponsor departments. This article presents the results of the first major research project to track and examine the subsequent reform process. It reveals a stark shift in internal control relationships from the pre-election ‘poor parenting’ model to a far tighter internal situation that is now the focus of complaints by arm’s-length bodies of micro-management. This shift in the balance of power and how it was achieved offers new insights into the interplay between different forms of governance and has significant theoretical and comparative relevance. Points for practitioners: For professionals working in the field of arm’s-length governance, the article offers three key insights. First, that a well-resourced core executive is critical to directing reform given the challenges of implementing reform in a context of austerity. Second, that those implementing reform will also need to take into account the diverse consequences of centrally imposed reform likely to result in different departments with different approaches to arm’s-length governance. Third, that reforming arm’s-length governance can affect the quality of relationships, and those working in the field will need to mitigate these less tangible challenges to ensure success.