961 resultados para 1990-2006


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Individuality and the Community in the Development of K. E. Nipkow's Theory of Religious Education from 1960 to 1990 The purpose of this study was to describe and analyze the development occurred between 1960 and 1990 of the theory of religious education as proposed by K. E. Nipkow, the German Religious Education specialist, from the point of view of individuality and the community. Nipkow's methodological approach of dialectic convergence theory resulted in a dialogue between theological and educational factors, which supported the thirty-year development of Nipkow's models, theoretical foundations, and theory of religious education. Nipkow's doctoral dissertation, published in 1960, deals with individuality in the thinking of Pestalozzi, Humboldt and Schleiermacher. Nipkow regarded individuality as one of the basic concepts of education, which were to be interpreted anew as social and historical situations changed. In the late 1960s Nipkow developed the so-called experiential hermeneutically oriented context model for the needs of religious education. In this model, individuality is expressed in the attention paid to pupils' life situations and the educational reality. The multi-dimensional theoretical framework of religious education in 1975 emphasized supporting identity as a fundamental task of religious education. The concept of individuality was thus given a new form, in accordance with contemporary theories of developmental psychology. Other fundamental tasks, such as the socio-ethical task, the task of critical religious thinking, and that of ecumenical learning, meant a more specific emphasis on the community. It was an outline of a liberating education, which faced the individualistic-existential and social-ecclesiastical challenges of the time with a critical attitude. The further development of the theoretical outline in 1982 continued to uphold the perspectives of both individuality and the community, as Nipkow combined a historical-social dimension with theories of developmental psychology, especially that of life-span research. According to him, the development of the individual and communal life-reality belonged together. The fundamental task of religious education came to be learning to live and believe together. Nipkow transferred the idea of dialogue into inter-generational learning and developed elementarization as a methodology of Religious Education, which takes into account the point of departure of each age group. His theory of educational responsibility in the church (1990) contained the tasks of walking alongside the individual and the renewal of church communities as prerequisites of communicating the Christian faith in an era characterized by multifaceted Christianity. The "geisteswissenschaftliche" school and its concepts (Ger. Individualität; Bildung) were found to be the explanatory factor of the concepts of individuality and the community in the development of Nipkow's theory of religious education. The concept of education employed by Nipkow (Ger. Bildung) implies, on one hand, the individuality, autonomy, freedom and personal responsibility of people of different ages, and on the other hand, the dialogical nature of education in the community facilitated by this concept. Theologically, Nipkow associates himself in his views on individuality and the community with Schleiermacher's understanding of faith, of which openness towards the world was characteristic. The significance of individuality and the community in Nipkow's thinking was, furthermore, deepened by his participation, as a member of working parties, in the educational discussions of the World Council of Churches.

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Tutkimus analysoi kansalaisten ja kansalaisjärjestöjen välistä vuorovaikutusta verkkomedian mahdollisuuksien kautta. Taustalla on ensinnäkin politiikan teorian kautta muodostettu käsitys kansalaisjärjestöjen positiivisista vaikutuksista niin demokratiaan kuin kansalaisten omiin taitoihin. Toiseksi aiemman aihetta käsittelevän empiirisen tutkimuksen, erityisesti Steinin (2009) ja Brudinin (2008) analyysien perusteella kansalaisjärjestöjen verkkosivut on luotu ennen kaikkea yksisuuntaiseen tiedotukseen, eivätkä ne sisällä kaksisuuntaisen vuorovaikutuksen elementtejä. Viimeisenä perusteena tutkimuksen mielekkyydelle toimii esimerkiksi Winnerin (1985) huomio, että teknologialla ja sen käyttöönotolla on aina poliittinen ulottuvuus, minkä voidaan ajatella pätevän myös kansalaisjärjestöjen tilanteessa. Tässä tutkimuksessa olennainen lisä aiempaan tutkimukseen verrattuna on historiallinen tarkastelutapa. Tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan kymmenen kansalaisjärjestön verkkosivujen ja muun verkkopresenssin kehittymistä vuodesta 1996 vuoteen 2011. Tätä kautta on mahdollista tutkia tarkemmin kahta tutkimuskysymystä: 1. Kansalaisjärjestöjen organisaatiollinen kehityksen, erityisesti institutionalisoitumisen ja professionalisoistumisen vaikutukset, vähentävät kansalaisjärjestöjen osallistuvuutta (Kriesi 1996, Tarrow 1998, Blumer 1951). Havaitaanko näitä muutoksia myös verkkopresenssin kautta? 2. Verkkomedia on kokenut voimakkaita muutoksia, erityisesti 2000-luvun alusta lähtien. Eräs näiden muutoksien keskeinen elementti on ollut kaksisuuntaisten viestintämahdollisuuksien kehittyminen ja parantuminen (Majava 2006, Erkkola 2008). Miten kansalaisjärjestöjen verkkoviestinnässä on otettu näitä uusia verkkomedian mahdollisuuksia käyttöön? Kysymyksiä lähestytään laadullisen analyysin kautta tutkimalla verkkosivujen osallistamista, eli sitä onko kaksisuuntainen vuorovaikutus mahdollista vai ei. Osallistumisen mahdollisuuksien kuvaukseen käytetään Chadwickin ja Mayn (2003) viitekehystä, jonka mukaan verkko-osallistuminen voi olla tiedottavaa, konsultoivaa tai keskustelevaa. Tiedottavalle verkko-osallistumiselle ominaispiirteistä on sen yksisuuntainen luonne, kun taas konsultoiva ja keskusteleva osallistuminen ovat kaksisuuntaista viestintää. Konsultoivaan osallistumiseen verrattuna keskustelevalle osallistumiselle ominaista on jaetumpi tietokäsitys ja kansalaisten mukaanotto agendan muotoilussa. Keskeisenä tuloksena voidaan esittää, ettei ensimmäiseen tutkimuskysymykseen tämän kymmenen tapauksen tapaustutkimuksella voida antaa luotettavaa vastausta. Ensinnäkin, eri ikäisten kansalaisjärjestöjen verkkosivujen osallistumisen mahdollisuuksien välillä ei ole selkeitä eroja. Toiseksi, nuorempien kansalaisjärjestöjen kohdalla osallistumisen mahdollisuuksissa ei havaittu merkittävää muutosta tarkastellulla aikavälillä. Toiseen tutkimuskysymykseen taas voidaan vastata, että osallistumisen mahdollisuudet ovat kasvaneet verkkomedian muutosten ansiosta. Käytännössä siirtymä osallistumista paremmin mahdollistaviin mekaniikkoihin, kuten kommentoinnin mahdollistamiseen, tapahtui 2000-luvun lopussa. Siirtymä on kuitenkin kohdistunut suurimmilta osin vain konsultoiviin mekaniikkoihin, eli näennäisestä vuorovaikutteisuudesta huolimatta aloitteen tekemisen monopoli on säilynyt kansalaisjärjestöillä itsellään. Lisäksi on syytä huomioida, etteivät osallistumisen mahdollisuudet sellaisenaan johda vielä aitoon osallistumiseen, eli kansalaisjärjestöjen ja kansalaisten väliseen vuorovaikutukseen.

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Tutkimus käsittelee yhteiskunnallisissa liikkeissä toimivia yksilöitä eli aktivisteja. Tutkimuksen juuret ovat makrotasolla, yhteiskunnallisista liikkeistä käydyssä keskustelussa. Toisaalta tutkimuksen keskeisin huomio kohdistuu mikrotasolle, yksilöön ja toimijoihin. Tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan aktivismin nivoutumista henkilökohtaiseen elämään sekä aktivismin jatkumisen ja päättymisen problematiikkaa. Aineiston tulkinta perustuu verkostonäkökulmaan, joka yhdistää subjektiiviset ja objektiiviset merkitykset sekä näkökulman pohjalta kehitettyyn elämänalahierarkian käsitteeseen (Passy & Giugni 2000). Elämänalahierarkia yhdistetään Weberin (2009) näkemykseen siitä, millaisia ominaisuuksia poliittinen toiminta vaatii. Näiden ominaisuuksien pohjalta argumentoidaan, että poliittista toimintaa, kuten aktivismia, voidaan tulkita eetoksen käsitteen avulla. Tästä teoriasynteesistä johdettujen tutkimuskysymysten avulla etsitään vastauksia siihen, kuinka aktivistin ura jatkuu tai päättyy. Yksilölähtöisyydestään huolimatta tutkimus sidotaan lopulta myös yleisemmän tason analyysiin. Tutkimus on tyypiltään laadullinen seurantatutkimus. Tutkimuksen aineisto muodostuu Ari Rasimuksen (2006) vuosina 2000 ja 2001 suorittamista yhdestätoista teemahaastattelusta sekä kuudesta uusintahaastattelusta vuodelta 2010. Haastateltavat ovat aktivisteja, jotka 1990-luvulla toimivat Oikeutta eläimille ja Maan Ystävät –järjestöissä. Vertailuasetelman vuoksi keskeinen teema tutkimuksessa on muutos ja sen selittäminen. Yksikään haastateltavista ei toiminut enää liikkeissä. Toiminnasta poisjääminen oli tapahtunut vähitellen, hiipumalla. Aktivismi, perinteisessä mielessä ymmärrettynä, oli siis taaksejäänyttä elämää. Aktivistien asenteet olivat kuitenkin lähes muuttumattomia. Osalla aktivismi oli nivoutunut työuraan, osalla taas ei. Tutkimuksessa havaittiin, että eetoksen käsite selittää sitä, miksi aktivismi ohjaa yhä elämää, vaikka ura kansalaisliikkeessä päättyisikin. Toisaalta eetoksen käsite auttaa ymmärtämään aktivismista luopumista. Haastateltavat jaettiinkin eetoksen käsitteen avulla kahteen ryhmään: luopujiin ja pysyjiin. Luopujien luopuminen selittyi eetoksesta irtisanoutumisella, kun taas pysymistä perusteli aktivismin muuntuminen työksi ja sitä kautta ylläpidetty eetos. Tutkimuksen keskeisin teoreettinen anti on luopumista selittävän elämänalahierarkiateorian syventäminen. Tutkimuksessa argumentoidaan sen puolesta, että aktivismin päättymistä on mahdollista tarkastella laajemmin kuin pelkkänä kuulumisena järjestöön tai yhteiskunnalliseen liikkeeseen. On pohdittava muun muassa sitä, kuinka aktivismi nivoutuu erilaisiin elämäntapavalintoihin. Eri elämänalojen vaikutuksia toisiinsa tulee myös tarkastella syvemmin kuin pelkän arvojärjestyksen valossa. Yhdistämällä Weberin (2009) ajatuksia poliitikoiden suotavista ominaisuuksista elämänalahierarkiateoriaan voidaan päästä tulkintaan, jossa kiinnittyminen asiakysymyksiin ja päämääriin (päämäärärationaalisuus) ennustaisi toiminnassa pysymistä, etenkin suhteessa verkostolliseen ja tunteelliseen kiinnittymiseen. Tutkimuksessa havaitaan, että aktivistit ovat integroituneet osaksi yhteiskuntaa ja etenkin pysyjät ovat myös puolueiden toiminnassa mukana. Tämän pohjalta kysytään, olisiko yhteiskunnan kannalta rationaalisempaa suhtautua liikkeisiin pelokkuuden sijaan kiinnostuksella.

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This document presents the results of the first two monitoring events to track the recovery of a repaired coral reef injured by the M/V Wellwood vessel grounding incident of August 4, 1984. This grounding occurred within the boundaries of what at the time was designated the Key Largo National Marine Sanctuary (NMS), now designated the Key Largo NMS Existing Management Area within the Florida Keys National Marine Sanctuary (FKNMS). Pursuant to the National Marine Sanctuaries Act (NMSA) 16 U.S.C. 1431 et seq., and the Florida Keys National Marine Sanctuary and Protection Act (FKNMSPA) of 1990, NOAA is the federal trustee for the natural and cultural resources of the FKNMS. Under Section 312 of the NMSA, NOAA has the authority to recover monetary damages for injury, destruction, or loss of Sanctuary resources, and to use the recovered monies to restore injured or lost sanctuary resources within the FKNMS. The restoration monitoring program tracks patterns of biological recovery, determines the success of restoration measures, and assesses the resiliency to environmental and anthropogenic disturbances of the site over time. To evaluate restoration success, reference habitats adjacent to the restoration site are concurrently monitored to compare the condition of restored reef areas with “natural” coral reef areas unimpacted by the vessel grounding or other injury. Restoration of the site was completed on July 22, 2002, and thus far two monitoring events have occurred; one in the Fall of 2004, and one in the Summer/Fall of 2006. The monitoring has consisted of: assessment of the structural stability of restoration modules and comparison of the coral recruitment conditions of the modules and reference sites. Corals are divided into Gorgonians, Milleporans, and Scleractinians and (except where noted) recruits are defined as follows: Gorgonians—maximum size (height) 150 mm at first monitoring event, 270 mm at second; Milleporans—maximum size (height) 65 mm at first event, 125 mm at second; Scleractinians—maximum size (greatest diameter) 50 mm at second event (only one species was size-classed at first event, at smaller size). Recruit densities at the restored and reference areas for each event are compared, as are size-class frequency distributions. For the Scleractinians, number and percentage of recruits by species, as well as several common biodiversity indices are provided. Finally, a qualitative comparison of recruit substrate settlement preference is indicated. Generally, results indicate that restored areas are converging on reference areas, based on almost all parameters examined, with one noted exception. Further monitoring is planned and the trends are anticipated to continue; close attention will be paid to the indicated anomaly. (PDF contains 63 pages.)

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ENGLISH: The Inter-American Tropical Tuna Commission (IATTC) operates under the authority and direction of a convention originally entered into by Costa Rica and the United States. The convention, which came into force in 1950, is open to adherence by other governments whose nationals fish for tropical tunas and tuna-like species in the eastern Pacific Ocean (EPO). Under this provision Panama adhered in 1953, Ecuador in 1961, Mexico in 1964, Canada in 1968, Japan in 1970, France and Nicaragua in 1973, Vanuatu in 1990, Venezuela in 1992, El Salvador in 1997, Guatemala in 2000, Peru in 2002, Spain in 2003, and the Republic of Korea in 2005. Canada withdrew from the IATTC in 1984. The IATTC's responsibilities are met with two programs, the Tuna-Billfish Program and the Tuna-Dolphin Program. SPANISH: La Comisión Interamericana del Atún Tropical (CIAT) funciona bajo la autoridad y dirección de una convención suscrita originalmente por Costa Rica y los Estados Unidos de América. La Convención, vigente desde 1950, está abierta a la afiliación de cualquier país cuyos ciudadanos pesquen atunes tropicales y especies afines en el Océano Pacífico oriental (OPO). Bajo esta estipulación, la República de Panamá se afilió en 1953, Ecuador en 1961, México en 1964, Canadá en 1968, Japón en 1970, Francia y Nicaragua en 1973, Vanuatu en 1990, Venezuela en 1992, El Salvador en 1997, Guatemala en 2000, Perú en 2002, España en 2003, y la República de Corea en 2005. Canadá se retiró de la CIAT en 1984. La CIAT cumple su mandato mediante dos programas, el Programa Atún-Picudo y el Programa Atún-Delfín.

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Este trabalho discute conjuntos de relações político-institucionais entre movimentos negros e Estado no Brasil e Colômbia de uma perspectiva comparativa entre os anos de 1991 e 2006. Procuro mostrar que ambos os países tem histórias de formação racial que se assemelham e se diferenciam substancialmente. Tais semelhanças e diferenças, como por exemplo, a construção do mito da democracia racial e a ideologia da mestiçagem, irão influenciar os modos pelos quais os movimentos negros brasileiros e colombianos tem negociado políticas de superação das desigualdades raciais com o Estado. Argumento que Brasil e Colômbia adotaram políticas raciais racistas entre fins do século XIX e as primeiras décadas do século XX, proibindo a entrada de imigrantes negros, asiáticos e árabes e incentivando a entrada de imigrantes europeus. A principal justificativa era de que estes últimos impulsionariam o desenvolvimento econômico, quando na realidade o propósito era o de embranquecer a população existente naquele momento, composta majoritariamente de negros e mestiços. Após os anos de 1990, a ideia de políticas raciais ganha novos contornos, passando a significar políticas públicas de promoção da igualdade racial e de reconhecimento identitário dos afrodescendentes. Neste sentido, as políticas de ação afirmativa passam a ser demandadas pelos movimentos negros de ambos os países como políticas raciais

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Ao longo dos anos 1990, a partir da Constituição Federal de 1988, da Emenda Constitucional n 14 e da LDB, ambas de 1996, novo panorama educacional tomou forma no Brasil, causando impactos, principalmente no meio rural. Naquele momento, se redefiniram as responsabilidades de estados e municípios na oferta da educação escolar, instituíram-se mecanismos de colaboração, financiamento, e manutenção entre as três esferas, reforçando-se o papel da União, como coordenadora das políticas em âmbito nacional. Considerado pelo Governo Federal como a principal reforma educacional promovida pelo Brasil na década de 90, o Fundo Nacional de Desenvolvimento do Ensino Fundamental (FUNDEF) assegurava a redistribuição dos recursos públicos, vinculados ao ensino obrigatório, de acordo com o número de alunos atendidos pela rede municipal e estadual de ensino,baseado no custo- aluno anual. Ao mesmo tempo, através do Fundo Nacional de Desenvolvimento da Educação(FNDE), a União exerce sua função supletiva e redistributiva em relação à escolaridade obrigatória. A investigação tem ainda como objetivo, desvelar algumas contradições; a regulamentação do FUNDEF implicou em perda ou aumento da receita; enquanto, nos programas no FNDE, os gastos com os recursos públicos deveriam ser controlados pelos diversos conselhos de fiscalização e acompanhamento (CACS). Por outro lado, em alguns municípios do interior, o critério para a escolha dos integrantes destes conselhos e dos próprios secretários de educação, se revela como de cunho pessoal, priorizando a execução das formalidades burocráticas. Perante tal cultura política, o cumprimento da nova legislação, gerou dificuldades de ordem político-administrativa, no sentido de assumir as exigências daquelas novas diretrizes. O estudo sobre os sistemas públicos de ensino da Região Serrana (RJ) se baseou na metodologia do estudo de caso, na revisão de literatura sobre o tema e também, em dados oficiais e entrevistas com os dirigentes das secretarias municipais de educação de Santa Maria Madalena, Trajano de Moraes e São Sebastião do Alto.

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There is abundant empirical evidence on the negative relationship between welfare effort and poverty. However, poverty indicators traditionally used have been representative of the monetary approach, excluding its multidimensional reality from the analysis. Using three regression techniques for the period 1990-2010 and controlling for demographic and cyclical factors, this paper examines the relationship between social spending per capita —as the indicator of welfare effort— and poverty in up to 21 countries of the region. The proportion of the population with an income below its national basic basket of goods and services (PM1) and the proportion of population with an income below 50% of the median income per capita (PM2) were the two poverty indicators considered from the monetarist approach to measure poverty. From the capability approach the proportion of the population with food inadequacy (PC1) and the proportion of the population without access to improved water sources or sanitation facilities (PC2) were used. The fi ndings confi rm that social spending is actually useful to explain changes in poverty (PM1, PC1 and PC2), as there is a high negative and signifi cant correlation between the variables before and after controlling for demographic and cyclical factors. In two regression techniques, social spending per capita did not show a negative relationship with the PM2. Countries with greater welfare effort for the period 1990-2010 were not necessarily those with the lowest level of poverty. Ultimately social spending per capita was more useful to explain changes in poverty from the capability approach.

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‘The Father of Canadian Transportation’ is a term commonly associated with William Hamilton Merritt. Although he is most known for being one of the driving forces behind the building of the first Welland Canal, he was many things throughout his life; a soldier, merchant, promoter, entrepreneur and politician to name a few. Born on July 3, 1793 at Bedford, Westchester County, N.Y. to Thomas Merritt and Mary Hamilton, Merritt’s family relocated to Canada shortly after in 1796. The move came after Merritt’s father petitioned John Graves Simcoe for land in Upper Canada after serving under him in the Queen’s Rangers during the American Revolution. The family quickly settled into their life at Twelve Mile Creek in St. Catharines. Merritt’s father became sheriff of Lincoln County in 1803 while Merritt began his education in mathematics and surveying. After some brief travel and further education Merritt returned to Lincoln County, in 1809 to help farm his father’s land and open a general store. While a farmer and merchant, Merritt turned his attention to military endeavours. A short time after being commissioned as a Lieutenant in the Lincoln militia, the War of 1812 broke out. Fulfilling his duty, Merritt fought in the Battle of Queenston Heights in October of 1812, and numerous small battles until the Battle of Lundy’s Lane in July 1814. It was here that Merritt was captured and held in Cheshire, Massachusetts until the war ended. Arriving back in the St. Catharines area upon his release, Merritt returned to being a merchant, as well as becoming a surveyor and mill owner. Some historians hypothesize that the need to draw water to his mill was how the idea of the Welland Canals was born. Beginning with a plan to connect the Welland River with the Twelve mile creek quickly developed into a connection between the Lakes Erie and Ontario. Its main purpose was to improve the St. Lawrence transportation system and provide a convenient way to transport goods without having to go through the Niagara Falls portage. The plan was set in motion in 1818, but most living in Queenston and Niagara were not happy with it as it would drive business away from them. Along with the opposition came financial and political restraints. Despite these factors Merritt pushed on and the Welland Canal Company was chartered by the Upper Canadian Assembly on January 19, 1824. The first sod was turned on November 30, 1824 almost a year after the initial chartering. Many difficulties arose during the building of the canal including financial, physical, and geographic restrictions. Despite the difficulties two schooners passed through the canal on November 30, 1829. Throughout the next four years continual work was done on the canal as it expended and was modified to better accommodate large ships. After his canal was underway Merritt took a more active role in the political arena, where he served in various positions throughout Upper Canada. In 1851, Merritt withdrew from the Executive Council for numerous reasons, one of which being that pubic interest had diverted from the canals to railways. Merritt tried his hand at other public works outside transportation and trade. He looked into building a lunatic asylum, worked on behalf of War of 1812 veterans, aided in building Brock’s monument, established schools, aided refugee slaves from the U.S. and tried to establish a National Archives among many other feats. He was described by some as having “policy too liberal – conceptions too vast – views too comprehensive to be comprehensible by all”, but he still made a great difference in the society in which he lived. After his great contributions, Merritt died aboard a ship in the Cornwall canal on July 5, 1862. Dictionary of Canadian Biography Online http://www.biographi.ca/EN/ShowBio.asp?BioId=38719 retrieved October 2006 Today numerous groups carry on the legacy of Merritt and the canals both in the past and present. One such group is the Welland Canals Foundation. They describe themselves as: “. . . a volunteer organization which strives to promote the importance of the present and past Welland Canals, and to preserve their history and heritage. The Foundation began in 1980 and carries on events like William Hamilton Merritt Day. The group has strongly supported the Welland Canals Parkway initiative and numerous other activities”. The Welland Canals Foundation does not work alone. They have help from other local groups such as the St. Catharines Historical Society. The Society’s main objective is to increase knowledge and appreciation of the historical aspects of St. Catharines and vicinity, such as the Welland Canals. http://www.niagara.com/~dmdorey/hssc/dec2000.html - retrieved Oct. 2006 http://www.niagara.com/~dmdorey/hssc/feb2000.html - retrieved Oct. 2006

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This paper examines the empirical relationship between financial intermediation and economic growth using cross-country and panel data regressions for 69 developing countries for the 1960-1990 period. The main results are : (i) financial development is a significant determinant of economic growth, as it has been shown in cross-sectional regressions; (ii) financial markets cease to exert any effect on real activity when the temporal dimension is introduced in the regressions. The paradox may be explained, in the case of developing countries, by the lack of an entrepreneurial private sector capable to transform the available funds into profitable projects; (iii) the effect of financial development on economic growth is channeled mainly through an increase in investment efficiency.