877 resultados para hollywood dominance


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The crystal-plastic behavior of quartz mylonites from the Ribeira Shear Zone (SE Brazil), a major strike-slip structure that was active during a prograde metamorphic phase related to the Neoproterozoic Brasiliano-Pan African Orogeny, was investigated using a multi-method approach. Geothermobarometry results indicate deformational conditions ranging from similar to 300 to similar to 630 degrees C and 500-700 MPa. A strong correlation between mapped metamorphic zones and a dominance of different dynamic recrystallization mechanisms of quartz occurs within the mylonite zone. Bulging recrystallization (BLG) dominates within the chlorite zone between 300 and 410 degrees C, subgrain rotation recrystallization (SGR) operates within the biotite zone from 410 to 520 degrees C, and grain boundary migration recrystallization (GBM) dominates in the garnet zone above 520 degrees C. The development of quartz c-axis textures is mainly governed by temperature and dynamic recrystallization mechanisms. Textures from BLG zone mylonites are characterized by maxima around Z; SGR zone mylonites display single girdles or asymmetric type I crossed girdles; and GBM zone mylonites comprise maxima around Y and intermediate between X and Z. The scarcity or absence of water-bearing fluid inclusions in quartz mylonites from the SGR and GBM zones, which are dominated by carbonic inclusions, suggests water-deficient conditions, whereas BLG zone mylonites are dominated by water-bearing inclusions. This evidence indicates that water was available in the protoliths but has been eliminated with increasing deformation and deformation temperature. No effect of the water content variation on the quartz microstructural and recrystallized grain size evolution was detected, and little influence on c-axis texture development was observed. Most of the fluid inclusion densities were reequilibrated during the shear zone exhumation history, recording a decompression in the range of 300-500 MPa, while microstructural reequilibration effects related to the prograde metamorphism are largely preserved. Fluid inclusion microstructures and densities from two SGR zone samples preserved evidence for a near isothermal compression within the interior of the Ribeira Shear Zone during the prograde metamorphism. (C) 2009 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

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Över 6000 personer söker till de 900 lediga studieplatserna vid polishögskolan vid varje ansökningstillfälle. Urvalet för att tillsätta dessa platser är således stort. Kritik har dock riktats mot polisens urvalsprocess som har utpekats för inte tillräckligt kunna identifiera och gallra ut olämpliga individer med låg och bristfällig respekt och inställning till andra människor och olikheter. Syftet med föreliggande studie var att undersöka skillnader i fördomar mellan två grupper; sökande till, och studerande vid polishögskolan (N=84) och jämföra dessa med en ickepolisiär kontrollgrupp. Fördomarna mättes med tre moderna fördomsfullhetsskalor; rasism, sexism och fördomar mot homosexuella. Studien undersökte även undersökningsdeltagarnas personlighetstyper med Big-Five Inventory (BFI), Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) och Social Dominance Orientation (SDO). Inga skillnader mellan grupperna i fördomsfullhet hittades, dock visade sig kombinationen av BFI, RWA och SDO vara bra på att predicera fördomsfullhet. Resultaten diskuterades och polisutbildningens urvalsprocess uppmanas reflektera över införande av motsvarande personlighetstest.

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Equality between the sexes has been discussed in Sweden for more than 50 years. In the 60´s and during the 70´s the discourse that dominated the debate was based on the assumption that both men and women needed to liberate themselves from their traditional gender roles. In this approach information and education was perceived as the key to equality. During the 80´s however, power and subordination became the main focal point of concern within this debate, and focus upon changing the patriarchal power structures dominating society were perceived as the principal key for establishing equality between the sexes. Today, the latter discourse still dominates both the scientific and the political perspective upon equality. By examining the debate on equality from two different fields of occupation this paper tries to analyse the fact that the Swedish equality discourse looks very different on male - versus female domination. Although the proportion of male teachers in Swedish preschools is about 3 % and the amount of women serving as public company directors is about 20 %, the current discourse views male dominance within the business sector as problematic, whilst, the dominance of women in the preschool childcare sector as less problematic. In respect of the theory supported by Bourdieu (1999), Hirdman (1990 & 2003) and Foucault (1998 & 2002) this paper advocates that the discourse is biased and simplified and that a perspective that only focuses on areas of male domination sets the wrong priorities. With regards to equality ideals prevalent throughout Norway this paper concludes that the Swedish equality discourse needs a broader and more open approach to assure that Swedish institutions promote equality between men and women in the best possible way.

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Filmmediet idag är den mest populära formen av masskultur. Med sin världstäckande genomslagskraft och sitt stereotypa porträtterande av verklighet, påverkar filmen världsåskådningen för människor runtom i världen. Ett brinnande ämne i amerikansk film har alltid varit Ryssland, på grund av de politiska motsättningarna och den historiska rivaliteten med USA. Studiens syfte är att undersöka hur Ryssland porträtteras i amerikanska filmer från perioden för presidenterna Dmitrij Medvedevs respektive Barack Obamas första mandatperiod. Frågeställningen för uppsatsen är: hur ser stereotypa föreställningar om Ryssland ut i amerikansk film 2008-2011? Trettiotal filmer med ryska motiv valdes ut för undersökningen och analyserades utifrån de visuella och sociala aspekterna. Resultatet visar på att det förekommer tre skikt av stereotyper om Ryssland: de eviga, som har existerat i hundratals år och spridits av resenärer; stereotyper från epoken för det kalla kriget; och stereotyper om det moderna Ryssland inspirerade av medias nyhetsrapporteringar.

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Vid en tillbakablick på de senaste 25 års spelfilmer kan man se hur ett växande klimathot funnits med som en berättelseingrediens i ett antal spelfilmer från Hollywood mainstreamfåra. (Axelson 2008). År 2004 kom katastroffilmen The Day after Tomorrow som gjordes till objekt för en brittisk publikstudie. I denna studie analyserar forskargruppen hur The Day After Tomorrow påverkade publikens tankar kring klimatförändringar (Lowe et al. 2006). Den irländske forskaren Pat Brereton har initierat ett projekt inom HERA (Humanities in the European Research Area) med ett forskningsfokus på hur medier och film bidragit till ett ekologiskt paradigm som enligt Brereton, långsamt växer sig allt starkare hos den europeiska allmänheten (Brereton 2008). I mitt paper vill jag diskutera Breretons hypotes om ett ökande ekologiskt sentiment under framväxt hos en europeisk allmänhet över tid och hur denna hypotes bör underkastas en kritisk diskussion utifrån ett receptionsperspektiv. Vad säger existerande publikorienterad receptionsforskning om på vilket sätt klimatförändringar gestaltade på film kan ha förmågan att beröra processer relaterade till människors teoretiska övertygelser om tillvaron, grundläggande värderingar samt en livsåskådningsmässig grundhållning (Lowe et al. 2006, Axelson 2008)?

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Ukraine has repeatedly shifted between the two sub-types of semi-presidentialism, i.e. between premier-presidentialism and president-parliamentarism. The aim of this article is to discuss to what extent theoretical arguments against premier-presidential and president-parliamentary systems are relevant for understanding the shifting directions of the Ukrainian regime. As a point of departure, I formulate three main claims from the literature: 1) “President-parliamentarism is less conducive to democratization than premier-presidentialism.”; 2) “Semi-presidentialism in both its variants have built-in incitements for intra-executive conflict between the president and the prime minister.”; 3) “Semi-presidentialism in general, and president-parliamentarism in particular, encourages presidentialization of political parties.” I conclude from the study’s empirical overview that the president-parliamentary system– the constitutional arrangement with the most dismal record of democratization – has been instrumental in strengthening presidential dominance and authoritarian tendencies. The premier-presidential period 2006–2010 was by no means smooth and stable, but the presidential dominance weakened and the survival of the government was firmly anchored in the parliament. During this period, there were also indications of a gradual strengthening of institutional capacity among the main political parties and the parliament began to emerge as a significant political arena.

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This article sets out to analyse recent regime developments in Ukraine in relation to semi-presidentialism. The article asks: to what extent and in what ways theoretical arguments against semi-presidentialism (premier-presidential and president-parliamentary systems) are relevant for understanding the changing directions of the Ukrainian regime since the 1990s? The article also reviews the by now overwhelming evidence suggesting that President Yanukovych is turning Ukraine into a more authoritarian hybrid regime and raises the question to what extent the president-parliamentary system might serve this end. The article argues that both kinds of semi-presidentialism have, in different ways, exacerbated rather than mitigated institutional conflict and political stalemate. The return to the president-parliamentary system in 2010 – the constitutional arrangement with the most dismal record of democratisation – was a step in the wrong direction. The premier-presidential regime was by no means ideal, but it had at least two advantages. It weakened the presidential dominance and it explicitly anchored the survival of the government in parliament. The return to the 1996 constitution ties in well with the notion that President Viktor Yanukovych has embarked on an outright authoritarian path.