Manuscript of James Cummings- August 28, 1860

Transcript (spelling and grammar retained): Chippawa [Chippewa] 28th August 1860 My Dear Sir I duly received your very kind letter of the 24th [June] asking me to communicate such facts of general interest connected with my career during the War with the United States. I have no objection to afford you such information as came under my own observation; nevertheless I do so, with the understanding, I have no desire to be my own trumpeter. With respect to your circular wherein you state you have been for several years collecting materials for a History of the late War between the United States & Great Britain, for which you are now gathering further materials to add to your collection, concerning the Second War for Independence. I am rather at a loss to know, what is meant by the second war; If you allude to the petty Rebellion, it could not be called a War, Those that caused the outbreak were very soon put down, by the Loyal people of the Province without the aid of Regular Troops being satisfied with the Independence they enjoyed. With respect to the several questions names in your circular: To the 1st I would say, this locality is made memorable by the battle of Chippawa [Chippewa] which took place about a mile above the village on the ground I pointed out to you, when I had the pleasure of seeing you a few days ago, with Mr Porter of the Niagara Falls, of which I believe you took sketches at the time. 2nd I have no historical documents of any value; so many years having gone past, the most of my old papers have either been lost or destroyed, I however came across two letters, one dated Queenston 9th July 1812 from Lt. Col. Nicholl Quarter Master General of Militia, the other from Lt. Col Myers Deputy Quarter Master General of the Regular Army date Fort George 23rd same month, directed to me in the hand writing of each of those officers as Deputy Quarter Master General of Militia, which letters I shall be obliged you would return at as early a day possible, as I wish to place them with tome others in the case, I have had made to hold the cocked hat & feather I wore during that eventful period, which I am sorry I did not exhibit when you was at my house; with reference to it I now enclose a letter from Lt. Col. Clark, residing at Port Dalhousie he was Captain & Adjutant of Militia in the War of 1812__ I send the letter in proof of the cock’d hat it is a lengthy one, but you may find time to turn over it, as I shall also place it in the hat case__ 3rd Where are [but] [for] traditionary [sic] witnesses residing in this vicinity – Col Clark above named Mr Merritt of St. Catharines, & Mr Kerby of Brantford are the only ones I now recollect, who could offord [sic] you any statistical information. 4th I have no pictorial sketches of any Military Movements or fortifications. As regards my own career, which you appear [ ? ] of knowing__ I was first a Lieutenant in a volunteer flank company stationed on the river side opposite [Navy] Island not far from the battle ground of Chippawa [Chippewa], I got promotion as Lieutenant of Cavalry before I got my Cavalry dress completed in three days more, I was called by General Brock to Fort George, was appointed Deputy Quarter Master General of Militia with the rank of Captain s the accompanying letters will show. I was at the battle of Stony Creek, several skirmishes at the Cross Roads, when the American army [ ? ] Fort George, at the taking of Col. Boerstler at the Beaver Dam, & had the honor of receiving Colonel Chapens sword at the surrender, who commanded a company of volunteer Horse Men was at the taking of 15 regulars & two officers at Fort Schlosser—was with Col. Bishop at the taking of Black Rock, near him when he fell, three men of the 8th Reg. more killed in the Boat I was in – I was at Chippawa battle, and the last, not the least in Lundy’s lane battle, which the Americans call the battle of Bridge [Waters]. I had forgot; there was another small affair at Corks Mill where I was. I could write a little history of events, but have not the time to do so. If what I have stated will be of any service for the purpose you require I shall feel happy. The history of the late War was published at Toronto in the Anglo American Magazine. Did you ever see it, I have the Books, there were however several errors which came under my notice, which I could have corrected. If my time would permit I could give you a more detailed statement of events. I trust however you may succeed with your publication , and I shall be most happy to hear from you at all times—I related many little occurances verbally to you when here, which I thought not necessary to repeat again as you would have a perfect recollection of them. Be pleased to return the letters for the purpose I require them. I am My Dear Sir Your respectful friend James Cummings

Port Weller Dry Docks collection, 1959-1967

Port Weller Dry Docks Limited was officially established on April 25, 1946, near Lock 1 of the Welland Canal. Charles A. Ansell was the company’s first President and General Manager. Initially, the company focused on repairing ships, but in June, 1951, built their first ship, the Scott Misener. In 1956, the Upper Lakes and St. Lawrence Transportation Co. purchased all of the shares of Port Weller Dry Docks Limited. In the mid-eighties, ULS (Upper Lakes Shipping) International (which owned the Port Weller dry docks), and Canada Steamship Lines, merged their operations. As a result, the Port Weller Dry Docks became a division of this newly formed company, known as Canadian Shipbuilding and Engineering Limited. In 2007, Seaway Marine & Industrial Inc. took over ownership of the Port Weller Dry Docks, but declared bankruptcy in July 2013.

Port Colborne Canal Entrance - Postcards

Board of six postcards of Port Colborne. First postcard, Port Colborne Harbor, Port Colborne, Ont. Second postcard, Bird's-eye view showing entrance to Welland Canal, Port Colborne, Ont. Third postcard, Harbor, Port Colborne, Ont. Fourth postcard, Harbor Port, Port Colborne, Ont. Fifth postcard, Government elevator, capacity 2,000,000 bushels, Port Colborne, Ontario. Sixth postcard, caption unknown.

Bee Communities in Restored Landfill Sites of Niagara Region

This study examined the impact of habitat restoration on bee communities (Hymenoptera: Apidae) of the Niagara Region, Ontario, Canada. Bee abundance and diversity was studied in three restored landfill sites: the Glenridge Quarry Naturalization Site (GQNS) in St. Catharines, Elm Street Naturalization Site in Port Colborne, and Station Road Naturalization Site in Wainfleet during 2011 and 2012. GQNS represented older sites restored from 2001-2003. Elm and Station sites represented newly restored landfills as of 2011. These sites were compared to control sites at Brock University where bee communities are well established and again to other landfills where no stable habitat was available before restoration. The objective of this study is to investigate the impact of restoration level on bee abundance and diversity in restored landfill sites of the Niagara Region. Based on the increased disturbance hypothesis (InDH) and the intermediate disturbance hypothesis (IDH), I hypothesized that bee abundance and diversity will follow two patterns. First pattern according to InDH suggest that as the disturbance decrease the bee abundance and diversity will increased. Second pattern according to the IDH bee abundance and diversity will be the highest at the intermediate level of disturbance. A total of 7 173 bees were collected using pan traps and flower collections, from May to October 2011 and 2012. Bees were classified to five families, 21 genera and sub-genera, containing at least 78 species. In 2011 bee abundance was not significantly different among restoration levels while in 2012 bee abundance was significant difference among restoration level. According to family there were no significant difference in Halictidae and Apidae abundance among restoration level while Colletidae and Megachilidae abundance were varied among restoration levels. The bee species richness was highest in the newly restored sites followed by restored control sites, and then the control site. The current study demonstrates that habitat restoration results in rapid increases in bee abundance and diversity for newly restored sites, and, further, that it takes only 2-3 years for bee assemblages in newly restored sites to arrive at the same levels of abundance and diversity as in nearby control sites where bee communities are well established.

Broadside reporting the Fenian Invasion of Canada, June 2, 1866

The Fenians were a group intent on securing Irish independence from England. The movement had its origins in Ireland in1857, under the leadership of James Stephens, with the assistance of John O'Mahony, an American who had raised funds for the cause. The American branch of this movement was especially successful, having raised $500 000 and enlisting about 10 000 American Civil War veterans. The group split into two separate factions, one desiring an invasion of Canada and the other preferring an uprising in Ireland. It soon became apparent that an uprising in Ireland was not imminent, and a decision was made to invade Canada. In April, 1866, a raid was launched against New Brunswick. It proved unsuccessful, and another raid was attempted on June 1, 1866, this time in Ridgeway, near Fort Erie, Ontario. The Canadian militiamen were defeated, but the Fenians subsequently withdrew. A third incident occurred on June 7, this time at Missisquoi Bay in Quebec, when the Fenians crossed the border, remained there for 2 days, and withdrew. A failed uprising in Ireland in 1867 signaled the demise of the movement. The Fenian threat helped to promote a sense of union among Canadians and provided an incentive for Confederation.

Broadside reporting the Fenian Invasion of Canada, June 2, 1866

The Fenians were a group intent on securing Irish independence from England. The movement had its origins in Ireland in1857, under the leadership of James Stephens, with the assistance of John O'Mahony, an American who had raised funds for the cause. The American branch of this movement was especially successful, having raised $500 000 and enlisting about 10 000 American Civil War veterans. The group split into two separate factions, one desiring an invasion of Canada and the other preferring an uprising in Ireland. It soon became apparent that an uprising in Ireland was not imminent, and a decision was made to invade Canada. In April, 1866, a raid was launched against New Brunswick. It proved unsuccessful, and another raid was attempted on June 1, 1866, this time in Ridgeway, near Fort Erie, Ontario. The Canadian militiamen were defeated, but the Fenians subsequently withdrew. A third incident occurred on June 7, this time at Missisquoi Bay in Quebec, when the Fenians crossed the border, remained there for 2 days, and withdrew. A failed uprising in Ireland in 1867 signaled the demise of the movement. The Fenian threat helped to promote a sense of union among Canadians and provided an incentive for Confederation.

Bill of Lading from Oporto, Portugal, 1906

A bill of lading for the UK shipping company Ellerman Lines. The cargo on board is "Four Quarter Casks Red Port Wine" in Oporto, Portugal and bound for Liverpool, England. The document is dated 1 August 1906.

Letter from Port Robinson to Mr. Bell

Letter from Port Robinson to Mr. Bell acknowledging the receipt for the affidavits which were sent. The writer says that he is not the owner of the land as Mr. Bell supposes. The writer is anxious for this matter to be brought before the committee and says that this matter has been 2 years in Mr. Steer’s hands in neglect. [The letter is unsigned, but the writer is probably Samuel D. Woodruff], April 10, 1849.

Letter and envelope addressed to Mr. Samuel D. Woodruff of St. Catharines

Letter and envelope addressed to Mr. Samuel D. Woodruff of St. Catharines. The envelope is postmarked St. Catharines, Dec. 31, 1887, Port Robinson, Dec. 31, 1887 and Welland, Dec. 31, 1887. The letter to S.D. Woodruff from Calvin Cudney and it says that he has enclosed $35 in interest, Dec. 29, 1887.

Memorandum of expenses for work done and materials provided by Messrs. Brown and McDonell

Memorandum of expenses for work done and materials provided by Messrs. Brown and McDonell, contractors for the Port Dalhousie and Thorold Railway to Sept. 1, 1854, signed by S.D. Woodruff, Sept. 2, 1854.

Chart of the estimated cost of Line no. 1

Chart of the estimated cost of Line no. 1, n.d.

Memorandum of fencing done signed by F. Lalor

Memorandum of fencing done signed by F. Lalor, n.d.

Note to S.D. Woodruff regarding the plan of operation

Note to S.D. Woodruff regarding the plan of operation. First, “draw up a report showing the cost of work”. This note is unsigned, n.d.

List of the number of loads dredged by Smiley’s Dredge since the 1st of October along the Welland Railway

List of the number of loads dredged by Smiley’s Dredge since the 1st of October along the Welland Railway. This is addressed to S.D. Woodruff and signed by James Woodall of Lock No. 1. There are holes and stains in the document. Text is not affected, Jan. 12, 1859.

Scrap of paper with numbers of railway journals volume numbers, n.d.

Scrap of paper with numbers of railway journals volume numbers, n.d.