902 resultados para Países do Mercosul - Integração econômica
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p.237-246
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p.225-231
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p.1-11
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p.1-10
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p.43-51
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p.59-69
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p.209-217
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p.223-228
Evaluación económica del empleo de subproductos procesados de mataderos en la alimentación de cerdos
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p.13-18
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Finlandia últimamente ha recibido mucha fama por su éxito en la prueba de PISA. Varios libros, muchos artículos en revistas académicas y en la prensa popular han analizado dicho éxito. ¿Cuáles son algunas de las características demográficas de Finlandia y cómo se comparan con los países del Caribe? ¿Cuáles son algunos de los aspectos principales del éxito de Finlandia? ¿Cómo se comparan con los países del Caribe? ¿Qué debemos aprender de la experiencia de Finlandia?
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Para medir el poder en organizaciones donde no se aplica el sistema de un hombre, un voto se recurre a un campo de la matemática denominado teoría del elección social. Los sistemas de votación con peso son frecuentes en política economía etcétera, donde algunos países de personas tienen más influencia que otros. En este artículo analizamos los ejemplos reales de sistemas de votación con peso: el Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas y el Consejo de ministros de la Comunidad Económica Europea.
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La época actual de crisis económica ha conllevado una crisis de tipo político también, que tiene como consecuencia una perdida de confianza por parte de los ciudadanos hacia las instituciones y los partidos tradicionales, que supuestamente actuarían como garantes de sus intereses. En Italia y España, dos países que se encuentran en situaciones parecidas, esto ha llevado al surgimiento de dos movimientos que han sabido explotar muchas de las herramientas que la comunicación política ofrece hoy en día, llegando a una considerable popularidad. Podemos y Movimento 5Stelle representan dentro de la comunicación política una autentica revolución y marcan para ella una era completamente nueva.
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We often wonder what is the role or the role that intellectuals, academics and artists can play in countries and conflict environments, for this specific case, countries and environments that do not have real protection both its integrity and satisfaction their basic and special needs. Beyond establishing what mode as artists, intellectuals and academics can contribute to meeting these requirements, this article is intended to establish a position on the importance acquired symbolic forms and reflected in the writers regardless whether philosophers or writers, let put the rawness of what happens and there comes the lonely spirits whose loneliness imposed and caused never chosen, appears to them as a lifestyle. For Philippe Claudel and the case of Paul Ricoeur, they are thus chosen for this article as incessant dialogues of the ways in which the rootlessness provides food for thought especially for those we see as different titles you are assigned to experiences of violence.
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Several authors have applied the concept of Welfare Regimens for studying social policy in Latin America (Esping-Andersen, 1993 and 2000). Among others, Martínez Franzoni (2007) develops a typology, with fi eld work is at the turn of the millennium, and establishes three categories: State-productivist regime, state-protectionist and family orientated. Most countries in the region are placed in the latter category. The hypothesis of this article argues that with the emergence of governments considered “left” or “progressive” in several countries of the region from the late ‘90s and, more decisively, in 2000’, the map of welfare regimes models could have mutated substantively. The nationally transformative experiences are different (various socio-economic realities and political action in which they are located exists) but they have several contact points that can be summarized in a greater state intervention in different areas previously closed to their operating and recovery of important functions of welfare and care of the population by the government. The paper discusses with an exploratory and descriptive approach the welfare schemes that would shape in three countries that have constitutionalized the change from the neoliberal paradigm: Venezuela, Bolivia and Ecuador.
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There is abundant empirical evidence on the negative relationship between welfare effort and poverty. However, poverty indicators traditionally used have been representative of the monetary approach, excluding its multidimensional reality from the analysis. Using three regression techniques for the period 1990-2010 and controlling for demographic and cyclical factors, this paper examines the relationship between social spending per capita —as the indicator of welfare effort— and poverty in up to 21 countries of the region. The proportion of the population with an income below its national basic basket of goods and services (PM1) and the proportion of population with an income below 50% of the median income per capita (PM2) were the two poverty indicators considered from the monetarist approach to measure poverty. From the capability approach the proportion of the population with food inadequacy (PC1) and the proportion of the population without access to improved water sources or sanitation facilities (PC2) were used. The fi ndings confi rm that social spending is actually useful to explain changes in poverty (PM1, PC1 and PC2), as there is a high negative and signifi cant correlation between the variables before and after controlling for demographic and cyclical factors. In two regression techniques, social spending per capita did not show a negative relationship with the PM2. Countries with greater welfare effort for the period 1990-2010 were not necessarily those with the lowest level of poverty. Ultimately social spending per capita was more useful to explain changes in poverty from the capability approach.