Interests and Values in Obama's foreign Policy: Leading from Behind?

Abstract This study will exam the relative importance of values and interests in Obama's foreign policy, focusing on crucial cases: the military actions related to Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Non-Syria, Al-Qaeda and ISIL. We will argue that his "leading from behind" strategy is not very distant from the foreign and defense strategies of his post-Cold War predecessors, by which democracy is seen as an assurance to security. According to Obama's strategy, Americans will only provide support for the building of democracy in the target countries, while this task should be performed by the locals themselves. Americans will provide military training to the new governments as well so they can be responsible for their own security, including preventing regrouping of terrorists in their soil. If Obama opposes the imposing of democracy by the use of force, empirical data shows that his administration is "not prepared to accept" any option that threats US security or American liberal-democratic values, bringing in this way values and interests very close to each other.

Use of Performance Measurement in the Public Sector: the case of the police service

Many public organisations have been under great pressure in recent years to increase the efficiency and transparency of outputs, to rationalise the use of public resources, and to increase the quality of service delivery. In this context, public organisations were encouraged to introduce the New Public Management reforms with the goal of improving the efficiency and effectiveness of the performance organisation through a new public management model. This new public management model is based on measurement by outputs and outcomes, a clear definition of responsibilities, the transparency and accountability of governmental activities, and on a greater value for citizens. What type of performance measurement systems are used in police services? Based on the literature, we see that multidimensional models, such as the Balanced Scorecard, are important in many public organisations, like municipalities, universities, and hospitals. Police services are characterised by complex, diverse objectives and stakeholders. Therefore, performance measurement of these public services calls for a specific analysis. Based on a nationwide survey of all police chiefs of the Portuguese police force, we find that employee performance measurement is the main form of measurement. Also, we propose a strategic map for the Portuguese police service.

Use of performance information by local politicians: a field study in the Portuguese context.

This paper seeks to investigate the use of performance information by politicians and whether the institutional reforms on performance management (PM) have been operationalized by local politicians. Differences on the policy field and the organizational context have been analyzed. Our goal is contribute to knowledge on PM in the political sphere and understand the different responses of politicians to government change initiatives (mainly coercive pressures). Our findings show that local politicians support the notion that greater attention should be devoted to the use of performance information on the evaluation process. Nevertheless they are very skeptic in relation to effective execution of government reforms. There is an internal culture where agencies are embedded, strongly influenced by the high degree of politicisation among senior managers, that lead politicians to be more concerned about personal opinions and informal performance information rather than to use more sophisticated information (output and outcome measures). The institutional approach helps us to identify political responses to institutional pressures and understand the reasons for a reduced use in the Portuguese context.

Relationships between NPM, the use of PM practices and the organizational performance: empirical evidence from government agencies

Purpose – this paper has two main purposes: (1)explore if government agencies more oriented to NPM postulates are more willing to use PM practices and to improve their performance; and (2) investigate whether the fit between the use of PM practices and the organizationa performance is dependent upon from the capacity of agencies to adapt its structures to changes introduced by NPM reforms. Design/methodology/approach - this paper is based on the survey method and provides empirical evidence from Portuguese government agencies.Findings (mandatory) - Our findings suggest that government agencies that made structural arrangements under the NPM reforms are more willing to use PM practices and will perform better than other agencies. In addition, this paper show that therelationship between the use of PM practices and the organizational performance is dependent upon from the agencies capacity to adopt new structural arrangements under the NPM reforms.Practical implications – this paper has three main contributions: (1) contribute to knowledge about the relationship between the introduction of NPM changes in the use of PM practices; (2) contribute to clarify whether agencies more oriented to NPM postulates are improving performance; and (3) help to clarify the way the organizations should adapt their structures for to be more effective in the use of PM practices. Originality/value - The quantitative empirical research, based on the unique survey applied to Portuguese government agencies on this field, allow us to add to prior research mainly based on case studies and oriented to local governments (Budding, 2004).

Performance management framework: the fit between PM framework adopted in Portuguese local government and the Otley’s framework

Purpose/objectives: This paper seeks to investigate whether performance management (PM) framework adopted in Portuguese local government (PLG) fit the Otley’s PM framework (1999). In particularly, the research questions are (1) whether PM framework adopted in PLG (SIADAP) fit the Otley´s framework, and (2) how local politicians (aldermen) see the operation of performance management systems (PMS) in PLG (focusing on the goal-setting process and incentive and reward structures). Theoretical positioning/contributions: With this paper we intend to contribute to literature on how the Otley’s PM framework can guide empirical research about the operation of PMS. In particular, the paper contributes to understand the fit between PMS implemented in PLG and the Otley´s PM framework. The analysis of this fit can be a good contribution to understand if PMS are used in PLG as a management tool or as a strategic response to external pressures (based on interviews conducted to aldermen). We believe that the Otley’s PM framework, as well as the extended PM framework presented by Ferreira and Otley (2009), can provide a useful research tool to understand the operation of PMS in PLG. Research method: The first research question is the central issue in this paper and is analyzed based on the main reforms introduced by Portuguese government on PM of public organizations (like municipalities). On the other hand, interviews conducted on three larger Portuguese municipalities (Oporto, Braga, and Matosinhos) show how aldermen see the operation of PMS in PLG, highlighting the goals setting process with targets associated and the existing of incentive and reward structures linked with performance. Findings: Generally we find that formal and regulated PM frameworks in PLG fit the main issues of the Otley’s PM framework. However, regarding the aldermen perceptions about PMS in practice we find a gap between theory and practice, especially regarding difficulties associated with the lack of a culture of goals and targets setting and the lack of incentive and reward structures linked with performance.

The use of quantitative performance information by local elected politicians in top managers’ performance evaluation: case studies

This paper studies the use of results oriented performance information (outputs and outcomes) by local elected politicians (aldermen) in top managers’ performance evaluation. The main goal is to understand the top managers’ performance evaluation process conducted by Portuguese aldermen and to identify the dominant evaluation style. In line with Bogt (2001), an exploratory field research was developed in three large municipalities: Porto, Braga and Matosinhos. We intend to answer the following research questions: to what extent are local politicians (aldermen) 1 using results information (about outputs and outcomes) to evaluate top managers’ performance? Do aldermen give any importance to quantitative output information and report them on current planning and control documents? Will the output performance information be used on performance evaluation in a different way concerning policy field (task orientation)? Based on the Hopwood evaluation styles (adapted from the private to the public sector by Bogt, 2001), we have found that the performance evaluation process of top managers is more featured by the ‘operations-conscious styles’ (or ‘implicit style’). Portuguese aldermen recognize the importance to quantify outputs and outcomes, but these days they focus on the information about activities and the realized operations when they evaluate performance. We haven´t found significant differences between different tasks (some exceptions for culture and environment areas). However, the municipality of Matosinhos paid more attention on quantitative performance information. This finding is reinforced by the quality of quantitative data on outputs reported on its management report. Generally speaking, aldermen are aware that more attention should be paid to quantitative information about results and performance, taking into account recent reforms introduced in Portuguese municipalities (PLG) on this field, but the ‘implicit’ style is dominant.

A reorganização do poder local e o impacto da fusão de municípios

Esta dissertação pretende estudar e demonstrar a importância da reorganização territorial ao nível do poder local, analisando em particular a fusão dos municípios de Aveiro e de Ílhavo. O principal objectivo deste trabalho reside em medir as implicações da reorganização territorial por via da fusão de municípios, o que é conseguido através do estudo da evolução histórica das várias reformas administrativas ocorridas em Portugal, com especial ênfase o século XIX devido ao seu enorme ímpeto reformista, bem como da análise de um caso muito específico de dois municípios vizinhos, que partilhando uma mesma realidade espacial e natural (Ria de Aveiro), já foram, em determinada época, um só município. Procurar-se-ão aferir quais os aspectos determinantes na tomada de decisão relativamente a esta temática, bem como avaliar os principais obstáculos e benefícios da sua concretização.

For Goa and Opium

É aqui apresentado um homem de negócios goês, Rogério Faria, que foi um pioneiro de comércio de ópio na China, muito antes de ingleses pensarem em fazer aproveitamento deste ramo de comércio. Rogério de Faria, de naturalidade goesa, mas com negócios em Bengala, Bombaim e Macau, tentou expulsar os portugueses de Goa quando a milícia mestiça de Goa recusou aceitar o prefeito Bernardo Peres da Silva nomeado como governador de Goa pelo regime liberal de D. Pedro. Mesmo depois desta tentativa falhada, continuou a ser eleito deputado na câmara dos pares em Lisboa até à sua morte.

Seeking a Home in Portugal

Os indianos começam a chegar a Portugal desde a chegada de Vasco da Gama à Índia. O celebrado ourives Raulu Chatim na corte de D. Manuel era um deles. Houve outros para quem João de Barros escreveu uma cartilha para lhes ensinar a língua portuguesa. Os goeses começam a chegar a Portugal com regularidade com bolsas de estudos e como deputados na camara real dos deputados no periodo liberal. As bolsas eram pagas pelas camaras agrárias de Goa. Chegaram a Portugal os padres acusados de conjuração em 1787. Após a ocupação indiana de Goa o governos português facultou a viagem a todos os goeses que quisessem abandonar Goa. O maior número de sempre veio via Moçambique depois da independência daquele país em 1975. Alguns goeses têm chegado em tempos mais recentes após 25 de Abril e integração de Portugal na União Europeia.

Praying Doves and Preying Vultures

The most saddening feature in this entire debate is that the Church in Goa, instead of transmitting the image of kingdom of God, of Jesus who emptied himself (kenosis) and was crucified with nothing that he could call his own (“rights”) is increasingly revealing a spiritual bankruptcy. Obviously, the mystical body does not feed on mystical rice and curry. A mere suggestion of State legislation to check the transparency and accountability of the temporal goods of the Church was sufficient to raise the hackles of the rich and the powerful who need the Church, but present themselves as its faithful servants, who can ensure that the more humble sons and daughters of the Church benefit from crumbs of their charity. *Spiritus ubi vult spirat* – the Spirit blows where it wills, and the history of the Church has umpteen illustrations of this. As the saying goes, “The road to Hell is paved with good intentions”. Only the kicks of history have brought about most significant reforms.

Metamorfoses em espelho de água : identidade, perfil, contextos e mudança nas (auto)representações dos professores

RESUMO: Nos últimos trinta anos, em Portugal, ocorreram processos de democratização política e de modernização da sociedade e das instituições, tendo como impulso as vontades nacionais e as mudanças ocorridas no Mundo em globalização, lideradas, no campo da educação, por agentes como a OCDE ou o Banco Mundial, e pela integração de Portugal na União Europeia. À implementação da(s) reforma(s), correspondeu uma mudança de paradigma educativo e organizacional, a criação de uma escola para todos, a emergência de novos alunos e de novos mandatos à Escola, a contingência de novas respostas educativas. Tais reformas constituiram instrumentos de mudança das organizações escolares e do sistema educativo, mas também do que significa ser professor, reformulando o desempenho e a “performatividade” docente (Ball, 2002), induzindo uma nova “identidade social” (Bernstein, 1996 e Dubar, 2006), produzindo novos modos de “fabricação da alma dos professores” (Foucault, 1996). Neste sentido, a autora procurou analisar, numa perspectiva crítica, as representações de professores do Ensino Básico, sobre os mecanismos de (re)configuração das suas identidades/perfis profissionais, recorrendo a uma investigação qualitativa descritiva, que privilegia a análise de conteúdo dos seus discursos sobre o tema, recolhidos segundo a técnica focus group. O estudo indiciou que os alunos são factor de realização, de risco e de mudança do perfil docente, actuando como uma quinta dimensão da (re)construção identitária dos Professores, a par da formação, do associativismo, do Estado e do Mercado, constituindo factor importante a ter em conta nos estudos sobre identidade docente. ABSTRACT: In the past thirty years, in Portugal, radical changes on politics and policies have been occurring, to achive the society and its institutions democratization and modernization, led by national wills and the changes occured in the World, stimulated, in the Education area, by global agencies like OECD, or the World Bank, and the integration of Portugal in the European Union. These reforms are connected to a new educational and organizational paradigm, the creation of a school for all, the emergence of new pupils, new demands to School and teachers, the imperative of new pedagogical solutions for educational problems, and are not only changing instruments in schools and in the educational system, but are also a powerful way to change “what to be a teacher” means, to re-formulate the teaching performance and “performativity” (Ball, 2002), to recompose his/her “social identity” (Bernstein, 1996; Dubar, 2006), or, in Michel Foucault (1996) words, to produce “new ways to manufacture teachers soul”. In this sense, the author intended to analyze, on a critical perspective, the representations of portuguese teachers of basic education (K12), on the mechanisms of (re)configuration of their professional identities/profiles, appealing to a qualitative descriptive research, which privileges the analysis of content of their speeches on the subject, collected according to the focus group technique, what, in its development, was brought near a circle of culture (in the sense of Paulo Freire‟s pedagogy). At least, pupils are the most important references and motivation to teachers changes, reflecting professional satisfaction and well done, but also risk, acting like a fifth dimension of teachers identity (re)construction, together with training, associative involvement, State and Market, and they must be considered on teatching identity studies.

As autarquias e a educação. Centro e periferia na construção das políticas educativas (1998-2008)

RESUMO: Com o actual quadro de descentralização de atribuições e competências da administração central para as autarquias locais, na área da educação, os municípios passam a investir cada vez mais na acção educativa ao liderarem e planearem políticas educativas locais mais ou menos explícitas, e, nalguns casos, tentando superar carências que o sistema educativo apresenta. Esta pesquisa tem como problemática compreender o papel do Estado na (re)configuração das políticas de educação, quando a tendência para a mudança, de um Estado-educador para um Estado-regulador, tem por pressuposto o discurso neoliberal de que com ‗menos‘ Estado mas maior accountability se obtêm melhores resultados. Este processo origina uma redefinição no papel e funções do Estado no plano social e económico, provocando constrangimentos e conflitos de poder no que respeita ao seu controlo político, com a redistribuição de poderes entre o Estado e a comunidade, entre o central e o local. É neste contexto de mudança que a presente investigação, que se situa no âmbito da análise das políticas educativas, procura averiguar como e com que meios as autarquias locais concretizam as suas competências na área da educação. A estratégia de investigação concentra-se em uma metodologia qualitativa, com a utilização de um estudo exploratório, em três municípios da Região de Lisboa e Vale do Tejo. As actuais políticas educativas derivam da nova visão na gestão da coisa pública – res publica –, como resultado da nova concepção para o próprio Estado, e dos processos de elaboração das decisões político-educativas. Nesta perspectiva, a descentralização passa a ser um instrumento do poder local que favorece o aumento da autoridade democrática dos actores. Todavia, a governação – governance – supõe uma dinâmica de negociação, até mesmo de regulação entre o Estado, a região, o local, a escola e o mercado, feita para atender à construção do interesse geral, que já não é totalmente definido pelo Estado, mas construído em conjunto com as diversas forças políticas, económicas, educativas e sociais. O estudo permitiu evidenciar que a descentralização é posta em causa pelo Estado central, quando este ‗recentraliza‘ decisões e condiciona o poder local, com o fecho da maioria das escolas do primeiro ciclo e a verticalização dos agrupamentos escolares. Por sua vez, algumas políticas educativas como a ‗Escola a Tempo Inteiro‘ fomentam a desregulação dos vínculos laborais, forçando os municípios a aumentar os seus meios técnicos e humanos e a construírem novas infra-estruturas educativas. As políticas educativas passaram a ser concebidas segundo uma matriz híbrida, que visam a municipalização da educação – do pré-escolar e de todo o ensino básico –, por um lado; e fomentam a situação de ‗quase-mercado‘ com a privatização de sectores e o financiamento de várias instituições – que fornecem serviços na área da educação –, por outro lado. ABSTRACT: With the current framework of decentralization of functions and powers from central government to local authorities, in education, the municipalities are investing each more in educational work in leading educational policies and planning places more or less explicit and in some cases, trying to overcome shortcomings that education system. This research aims to understand the role of the state in the (re) configuration of education policies, when the tendency for the change in a State-Educator for a State-regulator, is the assumption that neo-liberal speech that with 'less' State but with more accountability we achieve better results. This process leads to a redefinition of the role and State functions in socio-economic constraints, resulting in power struggles with regard to its political control, with the redistribution of powers between the state and community, between the central and local. It is in this changing context that the present investigation, which lies in the examination of education policy addresses the question how and by what means the local, materialized their skills in education. The strategy focuses on a qualitative methodology, with the use of an exploratory study in three municipalities of Lisbon and Tagus Valley. The current education policies come from the new vision in the management of public affairs - res publica - as a result of the new design for the State itself, and the process of preparation of educational policy decisions. In this perspective, decentralization becomes an instrument of local government that favours the increase of democratic authority of the actors. However, the governance assumes a dynamic negotiation, even in regulation between the State, region, local authorities, school and market, made to suit the construction of general interest, which is not anymore fully defined by the State, but constructed together with the various political, economic, educational and social forces. The study indicates that decentralization is undermined by the central government when it ‗re-centralize‘ decisions and the local conditions, with the closure of most primary schools and with vertical groupings of schools. In turn, some educational policies such as 'Full Time School' forced the municipalities to increase their technical and human resources, to build new educational infrastructure. The educative policies began to be designed according to a hybrid matrix, which aims the decentralization of education - from pre-school and all the primary school - on one hand, and promote the situation of 'quasi-market' with privatization of sectors and the financing of several institutions - that provide services in education -, on the other hand. RÉSUMÉ: Avec le cadre actuel de décentralisation des fonctions et pouvoirs du gouvernement central aux autorités locales, dans l'éducation, les municipalités investissent de plus en plus dans le travail éducatif dans la conduite des politiques éducatives en mener et en faisant la planification des lieux plus ou moins explicites et, dans certains cas, essayer de remédier aux lacunes que présente l'éducation. Donc, nous voulons avec cette recherche comprendre le rôle de l'Etat dans la (re) configuration des politiques d'éducation, alors que la tendance au changement d‘un État-éducateur pour un État-régulateur, a comme l'hypothèse le discours néo-libéral de que avec «moins» État, mais plus d‘accountability on a des meilleurs résultats. Ce processus conduit à une redéfinition du rôle et des fonctions de l'Etat au plan social et économique, en donnant lieu à des luttes de pouvoir à l'égard de son contrôle politique, avec la redistribution des compétences entre l'État et la collectivité, entre les niveaux central et local. C‘est dans ce contexte changeant que la présente enquête, qui réside dans l‘examen de la politique de l‘éducation aborde la question de savoir comment et par quels moyens le local matérialisé leurs compétences dans l‘éducation. La stratégie est axée sur une méthodologie qualitative, avec l'utilisation d'une étude exploratoire dans trois municipalités de Lisbonne et Vallée du Tage. Les politiques actuelles d'éducation sont tirées de la nouvelle vision dans la gestion des affaires publiques - res publica – à la suite de la nouvelle conception de l'État lui-même, et le processus de préparation des décisions politique-éducatives. Dans cette perspective, la décentralisation devient un instrument de gouvernement local qui favorise l'augmentation de l'autorité démocratique des acteurs. Toutefois, la gouvernance assume une dynamique de négociation, même en matière de réglementation entre l'État, la région, le local, l'école et le marché, faite pour répondre à la construction d'intérêt général, qui n'est pas plus entièrement défini par l'Etat, mais construit en ensemble avec les divers forces politiques, économiques, éducatives et sociales. L‘étude indique que la décentralisation est minée par le gouvernement central quand il ‗re-centralise‘ les décisions et les conditions locales, avec la fermeture de la plupart des écoles du premier cycle et avec des groupements verticaux d‘écoles. À leur tour, certaines politiques éducatives telles que ‗l'école à temps plein‘ forcé les municipalités à accroître leurs ressources techniques et humaines, de construire de nouvelles infrastructures éducatives. Les politiques éducatives ont commencé à être conçues selon une matrice hybride, qui vise à la municipalisation de l'éducation - de l'école maternelle et de toute l'école basique - d'une part ; et de promouvoir la situation de «quasi-marché» avec la privatisation de secteurs et le financement de plusieurs institutions - qui offrent des services dans l'éducation -, d‘autre part.

O planejamento econômico no Brasil: considerações críticas

In the past thirty years, a series of plans have been developed by successive Brazilian governments in a continuing effort to maximize the nation's resources for economic and social growth. This planning history has been quantitatively rich but qualitatively poor. The disjunction has stimulated Professor Mello e Souza to address himself to the problem of national planning and to offer some criticisms of Brazilian planning experience. Though political instability has obviously been a factor promoting discontinuity, his criticisms are aimed at the attitudes and strategic concepts which have sought to link planning to national goals and administration. He criticizes the fascination with techniques and plans to the exclusion of proper diagnosis of the socio-political reality, developing instruments to coordinate and carry out objectives, and creating an administrative structure centralized enough to make national decisions and decentralized enough to perform on the basis of those decisions. Thus, fixed, quantified objectives abound while the problem of functioning mechanisms for the coordinated, rational use of resources has been left unattended. Although his interest and criticism are focused on the process and experience of national planning, he recognized variation in the level and results of Brazilian planning. National plans have failed due to faulty conception of the function of planning. Sectorial plans, save in the sector of the petroleum industry under government responsibility, ha e not succeeded in overcoming the problems of formulation and execution thereby repeating old technical errors. Planning for the private sector has a somewhat brighter history due to the use of Grupos Executivos which has enabled the planning process to transcend the formalism and tradition-bound attitudes of the regular bureaucracy. Regional planning offers two relatively successful experiences, Sudene and the strategy of the regionally oriented autarchy. Thus, planning history in Brazil is not entirely black but a certain shade of grey. The major part of the article, however, is devoted to a descriptive analysis of the national planning experience. The plans included in this analysis are: The Works and Equipment Plan (POE); The Health, Food, Transportation and Energy Plan (Salte); The Program of Goals; The Trienal Plan of Economic and Social Development; and the Plan of Governmental Economic Action (Paeg). Using these five plans for his historical experience the author sets out a series of errors of formulation and execution by which he analyzes that experience. With respect to formulation, he speaks of a lack of elaboration of programs and projects, of coordination among diverse goals, and of provision of qualified staff and techniques. He mentions the absence of the definition of resources necessary to the financing of the plan and the inadequate quantification of sectorial and national goals due to the lack of reliable statistical information. Finally, he notes the failure to coordinate the annual budget with the multi-year plans. He sees the problems of execution as beginning in the absence of coordination between the various sectors of the public administration, the failure to develop an operative system of decentralization, the absence of any system of financial and fiscal control over execution, the difficulties imposed by the system of public accounting, and the absence of an adequate program of allocation for the liberation of resources. He ends by pointing to the failure to develop and use an integrated system of political economic tools in a mode compatible with the objective of the plans. The body of the article analyzes national planning experience in Brazil using these lists of errors as rough model of criticism. Several conclusions emerge from this analysis with regard to planning in Brazil and in developing countries, in general. Plans have generally been of little avail in Brazil because of the lack of a continuous, bureaucratized (in the Weberian sense) planning organization set in an instrumentally suitable administrative structure and based on thorough diagnoses of socio-economic conditions and problems. Plans have become the justification for planning. Planning has come to be conceived as a rational method of orienting the process of decisions through the establishment of a precise and quantified relation between means and ends. But this conception has led to a planning history rimmed with frustration, and failure, because of its rigidity in the face of flexible and changing reality. Rather, he suggests a conception of planning which understands it "as a rational process of formulating decisions about the policy, economy, and society whose only demand is that of managing the instrumentarium in a harmonious and integrated form in order to reach explicit, but not quantified ends". He calls this "planning without plans": the establishment of broad-scale tendencies through diagnosis whose implementation is carried out through an adjustable, coherent instrumentarium of political-economic tools. Administration according to a plan of multiple, integrated goals is a sound procedure if the nation's administrative machinery contains the technical development needed to control the multiple variables linked to any situation of socio-economic change. Brazil does not possess this level of refinement and any strategy of planning relevant to its problems must recognize this. The reforms which have been attempted fail to make this recognition as is true of the conception of planning informing the Brazilian experience. Therefore, unworkable plans, ill-diagnosed with little or no supportive instrumentarium or flexibility have been Brazil's legacy. This legacy seems likely to continue until the conception of planning comes to live in the reality of Brazil.

Monetary channels of social inclusion: a case study of basic income and the Caixa Econômica Federal in Brazil

This article reports evidence of new monetary channels for social inclusion involving basic income policies and the Caixa Econômica Federal, a Brazilian government savings bank. Since the Plano Real (Brazilian currency) and the liberalization of banking in the 1990s, the realization of competitive advantages by the Caixa as social policy agent and the importance of citizenship cards differ from existing theories of bank change, financial inclusion and monetary policy. Multi-method research reveals the importance of 1) political theories of basic income, 2) conceptions of citizenship and social justice, and 3) a back to the future modernization of government banking. This provides alternatives to contemporary market-based banking theory, neo-liberal policies, private and non-governmental microfinance strategies, and theories in political economy about fiscal constraints to social policies. New monetary channels of change also suggest that zero sum theories about politics, monetary authority and social inclusion are amiss.

Gloria o maldición del individualismo moderno según Louis Dumont

Este artículo discute la noción de individualismo en Louis Dumont, partiendo sobretodo de una reconstitución del encuentro entre sus perspectivas metodológica -- que tiene como base el estudio antropológico de la civilización indiana -- y teórica, referida a la relación entre individuo y sociedad en una llave propiamente maussiana. Por el hecho de saberse que Dumont se utiliza de un abordaje al mismo tiempo comparativo y estructural, lo que se busca es mostrar que el individualismo, al mismo tiempo que se presenta ideologicamente como opuesto a la jerarquía típica de sistemas como las casta indianas, mantiene propiedades lógicas semejantes, en lo que se refiere a la relación entre los valores y las prácticas sociologicamente "englobadas" y veladas. De este modo es posible entender, a partir de este pensamiento, como en el interior del mismo sistema individualista -- liberal e igualitario -- hay espacio para ideologías totalitarias y racistas, como perversiones jerárquicas que trabajan la desigualdad en planos sociologicamente asimétricos como la "naturaleza".