982 resultados para Imprints 19th century 1826


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Le musiche “popolaresche” urbane, in genere trascurate nella letteratura etnomusicologica, sono state quasi completamente ignorate nel caso della Romania. Il presente studio si propone di colmare almeno in parte questa lacuna, indagando questo fenomeno musicale nella Bucarest degli anni Trenta e Quaranta del Novecento. Le musiche esaminate sono tuttavia inserite entro una cornice storica più ampia, che data a partire dalla fine del XVIII secolo, e messe in relazione con alcune produzioni di origine rurale che con queste hanno uno stretto rapporto. Il caso di Maria Lătărețu (1911-1972) si è rivelato particolarmente fecondo in questo senso, dal momento che la cantante apparteneva ad entrambi i versanti musicali, rurale e urbano, e nepadroneggiava con disinvoltura i rispettivi repertori. Dopo il suo trasferimento nella capitale, negli anni Trenta, è diventata una delle figure di maggior spicco di quel fenomeno noto come muzică populară (creazione musicale eminentemente urbana e borghese con radici però nel mondo delle musiche rurali). L’analisi del repertorio (o, per meglio dire, dei due repertori) della Lătărețu, anche nel confronto con repertori limitrofi, ha permesso di comprendere più da vicino alcuni dei meccanismi musicali alla base di questa creazione. Un genere musicale che non nasce dal nulla nel dopo-guerra, ma piuttosto continua una tradizione di musica urbana, caratterizzata in senso locale, ma influenzata dal modello della canzone europea occidentale, che data almeno dagli inizi del Novecento. Attraverso procedimenti in parte già collaudati da compositori colti che sin dal XIX secolo, in Romania come altrove, si erano cimentati con la creazione di melodie in stile popolare o nell’armonizzazione di musiche di provenienza contadina, le melodie rurali nel bagaglio della cantante venivano trasformate in qualcosa di inedito. Una trasformazione che, come viene dimostrato efficacemente nell’ultimo capitolo, non investe solo il livello superficiale, ma coinvolge in modo profondo la sintassi musicale.

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Große Dramendichtung kann nur in historischen Umbruchszeiten wie der Antike, der Reformationszeit und im 19. Jahrhundert, also zu Lebzeiten Friedrich Hebbels, entstehen. Das schreibt Hebbel im Vorwort zu seinem bürgerlichen Trauerspiel „Maria Magdalena“. Die großen Zeiten der Tragödien sind Zeiten umwälzender Veränderungen. Im langen 19. Jahrhundert, zwischen Revolution und Restauration, zwischen Reformen und Reaktion, zwischen Hoffnungen auf Demokratie, Nationalstaatlichkeit, zwischen Josephinismus und Ära Metternich, waren die Voraussetzungen für ein Jahrhundert der Tragödie gegeben. Zwei der bedeutendsten Dramatiker des 19. Jahrhunderts, Franz Grillparzer und Friedrich Hebbel, sind Thema der Dissertation. Dabei hat die Arbeit mit der Diskursivierung von Fremdheit und Fremde eine Neuperspektivierung ausgewählter Dramen geleistet, die so in der Forschung noch nicht existiert, wobei diese Perspektive in der Forschung bereits angelegt war. Die hier vorliegende Arbeit hat das „Phänomen der Fremde“, wie Günther Häntzschel es in einem Aufsatz nennt, in den Dramen „Judith“, „Gyges und sein Ring“ und „Die Nibelungen“ von Hebbel und in den Dramen „Das goldene Vließ“, „Die Jüdin von Toledo“ und „Libussa“ von Grillparzer untersucht. Die zentralen Begriffe „Fremde“ und „Fremdheit“ wurden dabei als literarische Topoi, um methodisch besser mit ihnen operieren zu können, in verschiedene Dimensionen der Fremdheit unterteilt: Dabei wurde neben der „Fremdheit der Kulturen“ und der „Fremdheit zwischen den Geschlechtern“ auch die Fremdheit zwischen dem „mythischen Rand der Welt“ und dem „Horizont der Vernunft“ untersucht. Ferner widmete sich ein Kapitel dem Thema Entfremdung und Selbstentfremdung, eine Dimension der Fremdheit, die ebenfalls für die Dramenanalyse relevant ist.

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Questa ricerca ha l’obiettivo di dare nuovi contributi alla conoscenza della pittura di paesaggio francese nell’Ottocento attraverso lo studio dell’opera di Paul Flandrin (1811-1902). Flandrin si colloca al crocevia di esperienze fondamentali nella ricerca artistica di metà Ottocento: l’eredità di Camille Corot, l’insegnamento di Jean-Auguste Dominique Ingres, la pratica del lavoro en plein air, la tradizione del paesaggio neoclassico. Il corpus di opere del pittore lionese Paul Flandrin (1811-1902) ricostruito in questa tesi è frutto di una sistematica operazione di ricerca sul campo e viene in seguito analizzato alla luce dei recenti studi sulla pittura di paesaggio neoclassico in Francia nel XIX secolo. La ricerca si fonda su una grande quantità di materiale inedito: dipinti, disegni, taccuini di studio en plein air, corrispondenza con colleghi e amici. Da questa ricerca la fisionomia artistica di Paul Flandrin emerge ben individuata singolarmente e al tempo stesso ancorata al contesto storico-artistico attraverso le relazioni con i colleghi, l’utilizzo di determinate tecniche, la frequentazione di mete comuni ai paesaggisti suoi contemporanei, la decisa presa di posizione a favore del paesaggio neoclassico.

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Il progetto di ricerca si è posto l'obiettivo di analizzare una serie di manufatti egizî e di tradizione egizia della Sicilia preromana e di evidenziare le eventuali sopravvivenze della cultura egittizzante sull’isola fino all'età tardoantica. La realizzazione di un corpus, aggiornato sulla scorta di nuovi rinvenimenti, di recenti riletture e di studi su materiali inediti custoditi nei musei siciliani, ha contribuito a tracciare una mappa distributiva delle aree di rinvenimento e di attestazione, con particolare riferimento alle diverse etnie che recepiscono tali prodotti e alla possibilità di ricostruire l’ambientazione storica della domanda diretta o indiretta. Si è scelto di privilegiare lo studio tipologico, iconografico e iconologico di alcune “categorie” di materiali maggiormente documentati sull’isola, quali amuleti, scarabei e scaraboidi, cretule, ushabti, gioielli, bronzi figurati, gemme, con l’individuazione di riscontri in ambito mediterraneo. La documentazione delle testimonianze antiquarie contenenti notizie su reperti oggi non più reperibili ha permesso, infine, non solo l’acquisizione d’informazioni spesso ritenute perse, ma anche una comprensione storicizzata delle dinamiche del collezionismo siciliano e del suo ruolo nel più vasto ambito europeo dal XVII al XIX secolo. È stato importante, infatti, chiarire anche alcuni aspetti della cultura egittologica del periodo, legata in genere alla circolazione di stereotipi e alla mancanza di una conoscenza diretta della realtà faraonica.

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Le sujet de cette recherche est la perception chez les voyageurs occidentaux et grecs du XIXᵉ siècle de zones de la Méditerranée depuis toujours point d’intersections culturelles : les villes d’Athènes et de Constantinople. L’objectif de la recherche est de reconstruire la contribution des hommes de lettres, français et grecs, à la constitution de l’identité nationale selon le schéma mis en évidence par Benedict Anderson dans « Communautés Imaginées » On a tenté en se référant au corpus d’identifier dans la littérature de voyage du XIXᵉ siècle, dans le sillage de « Orientalismo » de Edward Said, comment Philhellénisme et Exotisme orientalisant, tous deux d’empreinte romantique, ont contribué à inventer pour Athènes une identité occidentale et pour Istanbul une identité orientale, ignorant presque l’existence entre les deux villes d’une commune matrice byzantine–ottomane ou mieux, l’appartenance commune à l’ensemble géopolitique de la Région Intermédiaire identifiée par Dimitri Kitsikis.

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In questa tesi dottorale viene preso in analisi il tema della famiglia, uno degli elementi fondanti della riflessione pedagogica, crocevia di una molteplicità di nuclei interpretativi con diramazioni e contaminazioni, con mutamenti attraverso le epoche storiche, rappresentati in pagine contenute nei Classici della letteratura per l’infanzia e nei migliori libri di narrativa contemporanea. Si tratta di un tema di grande ampiezza che ha comportato una scelta mirata di Autori che, nei loro romanzi hanno trattato questioni riguardanti la famiglia nelle sue pluralità delle sue tante accezioni, dalla vita familiare agli abbandoni, dalle infanzie senza famiglia alle famiglie altre. Nelle diverse epoche storiche, le loro narrazioni hanno lasciato un segno per l'originalità interpretativa che ancora oggi ci raccontano storie di vie familiale Dai romanzi ottocenteschi alle saghe fantasy degli ultimi cinquant’anni, fino ai picturebook, destinati ai più piccoli, le families stories possono costituire un materiale pedagogico privilegiato, sia offrendo occasioni di scoperta e conoscenza di sé e del mondo, attraverso le quali i lettori bambini, enigmatici frontalieri, varcano soglie verso altrovi misteriosi, sia fornendo spunti agli studiosi per approfondire tematiche multiple e complesse. Le families stories riflettono spesso in maniera critica le divergenze che possono manifestarsi tra le prassi individuate e studiate dalle scienze umane e sociali e le metafore narrative proposte dai numerosi Autori della letteratura per l’infanzia. Proponendo una prospettiva spesso spiazzante, esse interpretano la realtà a fondo, cogliendo i più piccoli ed inosservati particolari che, invece, hanno la capacità di rompere gli schemi socio-educativi dell’epoca storica in cui le storie prendono vita.

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El objetivo de la presente investigación, el catálogo y estudio de las gramáticas de italiano destinadas a hispanohablantes de los siglos XVIII y XIX, se encuadra en el macrosector gramaticográfico de la historiografía lingüística, en el cual el estudio de las gramáticas de las lenguas dirigidas a hablantes nativos y a hablantes extranjeros, con los consiguientes cruces y trasvases de tradiciones gramaticales, es de significativo interés como destacan: (i) las tesis doctorales defendidas en los últimos quince años; (ii) los proyectos de investigación dirigidos y coordinados por prestigiosos estudiosos del sector; (iii) los congresos organizados para destacar y compartir las principales actualizaciones en torno a los estudios gramaticográficos; y (iv) las publicaciones que surgen de los tres puntos anteriores. El estudio presenta dos partes centrales: la primera (constituida por los capítulos 2 y 3) es la de catálogo y estudio de las diecinueve gramáticas que conforman el corpus en base a ocho áreas descriptivas (1. información catalográfica, 2. autor, 3. editor, 4. hiperestructura, 5. elementos peritextuales, gramaticales y didácticos, 6. variedad de textos y su secuencia didáctica, 7. caracterización, fuentes e influencias, y 8. localización); la segunda (capítulo 4) es la de estudio gramaticográfico de conjunto de los datos más relevantes de las areas de estudio utilizadas en las dos primeras partes. De este modo, daremos un panorama de conjunto sobre (i) la cronología de las obras y sus ediciones y rempresiones; (ii) la nacionalidad, profesión, condición religiosa, etc. de autores; (iii) la geografía de ediciones y editores; (iv) la descripción hiperestructural de las obras; (v) la estructura de los elementos peritextuales; (vi) las partes gramaticales y elementos que las componen; (vii) el verbo: definiciones y paradigma verbal; (vii) los elementos didácticos; (viii) las líneas de descripción gramatical; (ix) la localización de las gramáticas en las bibliotecas españolas.

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Bei der vorliegenden Arbeit handelt es sich um ein Überblickswerk zum Christusbild, dem Aussehen Christi in der deutschen Bildkunst des 19. Jahrhunderts und dessen Wandlungen. Grundlage der Arbeit bildet eine von der Autorin zusammengetragene Materialsammlung und deren Auswertung, basierend auf der Kenntnis von Originalen sowie der Sichtung von Literatur (insbesondere von Lexika, Museums- und Ausstellungskatalogen, Werkverzeichnissen sowie maßgeblichen deutschen Kunstzeitschriften des 19. Jahrhunderts). Das hieraus resultierende systematische Bildverzeichnis umfasst 1.914 Werke in Form von Staffeleibildern, Druckgraphik, wandgebundenen Gemälden (und auch Skulpturen); davon sind 729 mit Abbildungen in der Arbeit dokumentiert. In alphabetischer Reihenfolge abgefasst, enthält das Verzeichnis zu jedem Eintrag Kurzinformationen zu Werk und Künstler, sowie Literatur- und ggf. Abbildungsnachweise. Auf dieser Basis geht die Untersuchung über den bisher relativ kleinen Kreis einschlägig bekannter Christusbilder weit hinaus und gibt erstmals einen umfassenden und für das 19. Jahrhundert repräsentativen Überblick.rnDer auf dieses Material gestützte Hauptteil befasst sich mit der eingehenden Betrachtung der „Grundtypen“ des Christusbildes, womit das Aussehen Christi (Physiognomie, Gesamtgestalt, Gewandung, Habitus und Gestik) gemeint ist. Schwerpunkte der Arbeit bilden zunächst das an der Renaissance (insbesondere an Raffael) orientierte „milde“ Christusbild des Klassizismus und die „inniglich-schöne“ Idealgestalt der Romantik (variiert auch mit altdeutschen Elementen), aus der schließlich das bis in die Gegenwart verwendete, kitschig-süßliche Devotionalienbild resultierte. Eine historisierende, ethnologische Rekonstruktion eines „jüdischen“ Jesus, erschien besonders in der „Orientmalerei“ seit den vierziger Jahren des 19. Jahrhunderts. Die Ablehnung und Abgrenzung der Orientmalerei führte zu einer „historischen Reformationsmalerei“ mit altdeutschen Elementen und auch teilweise zu einer Tendenz der „Germanisierung“ des Bildes Jesu mit genrehaften Zügen. Zum Jahrhundertende hin wurden außerdem vielfältige Versuche beobachtet, den Gottmenschen Jesus in „zeitgenössischem“ Aussehen volksnah in die Gegenwart der Gläubigen einzubinden. Im Symbolismus traten hingegen heroisierende Tendenzen auf bis hin zu einer „Entwirklichung“ der Gestalt Christi. Zusammenfassende Beobachtungen zu den häufig verwendeten und „beliebten“ Themen der Christusdarstellung im 19. Jahrhundert runden die Arbeit ab, in der eine bislang ungekannte Differenzierung und Vielfalt der Darstellungsmöglichkeiten Christi in der religiösen Kunst des 19. Jahrhunderts aufgezeigt werden konnte.

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Durch die massenmediale Zunahme von statischen und bewegten Bilder im Laufe des letzten Jahrhunderts vollzieht sich unsere lebensweltliche Wirklichkeitskonstruktion zu Beginn des 21. Jahrhunderts zunehmend über Visualisierungen, die mit den neuen Formen der Digitalisierung noch an Dynamik zunehmen werden. Mit diesen omnipräsenten visuell-medialen Repräsentationen werden meist räumliche Vorstellungen transportiert, denn Räume werden vor allem über Bilder konstruiert. Diese Bildräume zirkulieren dabei nicht als singuläre Bedeutungszuschreibungen, sondern sind in sprachliche und bildliche Diskurse eingebettet. Visuell-mediale Bild-Raum-Diskurse besitzen zunehmend die Fähigkeit, unser Wissen über und unsere Wahrnehmung von Räumen zu kanalisieren und auf stereotype Raumstrukturen zu reduzieren. Dabei verfestigt sich eine normative Ordnung von bestimmten machtvollen Bildräumen, die nicht genügend kritisch hinterfragt werden. Deshalb ist es für die Geographie von entscheidender Wichtigkeit, mediale Raumkonstruktio- nen, ihre Einbettung in diskursive Bildarchive und ihre essentialistische und handlungspraktische gesellschaftliche Wirkung zu verstehen.rnLandschaften können vor diesem Hintergrund als visuell-medial transportierte Bild-Raum-Diskurse konzeptionalisiert werden, deren gesellschaftliche Wirkmächtigkeit mit Hilfe einer visuell ausgerichteten Diskursanalyse hinterfragt werden sollte. Auf Grundlage einer zeichentheoretischen Ikonologie wurde eine Methodik entwickelt, die visuell ausgerichtete Schrift-Bild-Räume angemessen analysieren kann. Am Beispiel der Inszenierung des Mittelrheintals, wurde, neben einer diachronischen Strukturanalyse der diskursrelevanten Medien (Belletristik, Malerei, Postkarten, Druckgrafiken und Fotografien), eine Feinanalyse der fotografischen „Rheinlandschaften“ von August Sander der 1930er Jahre durchgeführt. Als Ergebnis zeigte sich, dass der Landschaftsdiskurs über das Mittelrheintal immer noch durch die gegenseitige Durchdringung der romantischen Literatur und Malerei in der ersten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts und die historischen Fotografien in den ersten Jahrzehnten des 20. Jahrhunderts bestimmt ist, nicht zuletzt forciert durch die Ernennung zum UNESCO-Welterbe 2002. Der stark visuell ausgerichtete Landschaftsdiskurs trägt somit zum einen positiv konnotierte, romantisch-pittoreske Züge, die die Einheit von Mensch und Natur symbolisieren, zum anderen historisch-konservatorische Züge, die eine Mythifizierung zu einer gewachsenen, authentischen Kulturlandschaft evozieren.

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Background In the 19th century, eminent French sociologist Emile Durkheim found suicide rates to be higher in the Protestant compared with the Catholic cantons of Switzerland. We examined religious affiliation and suicide in modern Switzerland, where assisted suicide is legal. Methods The 2000 census records of 1 722 456 (46.0%) Catholics, 1 565 452 (41.8%) Protestants and 454 397 (12.2%) individuals with no affiliation were linked to mortality records up to December 2005. The association between religious affiliation and suicide, with the Protestant faith serving as the reference category, was examined in Cox regression models. Hazard ratios (HRs) with 95% confidence intervals (CIs) were adjusted for age, marital status, education, type of household, language and degree of urbanization. Results Suicide rates per 100 000 inhabitants were 19.7 in Catholics (1664 suicides), 28.5 in Protestants (2158 suicides) and 39.0 in those with no affiliation (882 suicides). Associations with religion were modified by age and gender (P < 0.0001). Compared with Protestant men aged 35–64 years, HRs (95% CI) for all suicides were 0.80 (0.73–0.88) in Catholic men and 1.09 (0.98–1.22) in men with no affiliation; and 0.60 (0.53–0.67) and 1.96 (1.69–2.27), respectively, in men aged 65–94 years. Corresponding HRs in women aged 35–64 years were 0.90 (0.80–1.03) and 1.46 (1.25–1.72); and 0.67 (0.59–0.77) and 2.63 (2.22–3.12) in women aged 65–94 years. The association was strongest for suicides by poisoning in the 65–94-year-old age group, the majority of which was assisted: HRs were 0.45 (0.35–0.59) for Catholic men and 3.01 (2.37–3.82) for men with no affiliation; 0.44 (0.36–0.55) for Catholic women and 3.14 (2.51–3.94) for women with no affiliation. Conclusions In Switzerland, the protective effect of a religious affiliation appears to be stronger in Catholics than in Protestants, stronger in older than in younger people, stronger in women than in men, and particularly strong for assisted suicides.

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The three-spined stickleback is a widespread Holarctic species complex that radiated from the sea into freshwaters after the retreat of the Pleistocene ice sheets. In Switzerland, sticklebacks were absent with the exception of the far northwest, but different introduced populations have expanded to occupy a wide range of habitats since the late 19th century. A well-studied adaptive phenotypic trait in sticklebacks is the number of lateral plates. With few exceptions, freshwater and marine populations in Europe are fixed for either the low plated phenotype or the fully plated phenotype, respectively. Switzerland, in contrast, harbours in close proximity the full range of phenotypic variation known from across the continent. We addressed the phylogeographic origins of Swiss sticklebacks using mitochondrial partial cytochrome b and control region sequences. We found only five different haplotypes but these originated from three distinct European regions, fixed for different plate phenotypes. These lineages occur largely in isolation at opposite ends of Switzerland, but co-occur in a large central part. Across the country, we found a strong correlation between a microsatellite linked to the high plate ectodysplasin allele and the mitochondrial haplotype from a region where the fully plated phenotype is fixed. Phylogenomic and population genomic analysis of 481 polymorphic amplified fragment length polymorphism loci indicate genetic admixture in the central part of the country. The same part of the country also carries elevated within-population phenotypic variation. We conclude that during the recent invasive range expansion of sticklebacks in Switzerland, adaptive and neutral between-population genetic variation was converted into within-population variation, raising the possibility that hybridization between colonizing lineages contributed to the ecological success of sticklebacks in Switzerland.

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This article contributes to the research on demographics and public health of urban populations of preindustrial Europe. The key source is a burial register that contains information on the deceased, such as age and sex, residence and cause of death. This register is one of the earliest compilations of data sets of individuals with this high degree of completeness and consistency. Critical assessment of the register's origin, formation and upkeep promises high validity and reliability. Between 1805 and 1815, 4,390 deceased inhabitants were registered. Information concerning these individuals provides the basis for this study. Life tables of Bern's population were created using different models. The causes of death were classified and their frequency calculated. Furthermore, the susceptibility of age groups to certain causes of death was established. Special attention was given to causes of death and mortality of newborns, infants and birth-giving women. In comparison to other cities and regions in Central Europe, Bern's mortality structure shows low rates for infants (q0=0.144) and children (q1-4=0.068). This could have simply indicated better living conditions. Life expectancy at birth was 43 years. Mortality was high in winter and spring, and decreased in summer to a low level with a short rise in August. The study of the causes of death was inhibited by difficulties in translating early 19th century nomenclature into the modern medical system. Nonetheless, death from metabolic disorders, illnesses of the respiratory system, and debilitation were the most prominent causes in Bern. Apparently, the worst killer of infants up to 12 months was the "gichteren", an obsolete German term for lethal spasmodic convulsions. The exact modern identification of this disease remains unclear. Possibilities such as infant tetanus or infant epilepsy are discussed. The maternal death rate of 0.72% is comparable with values calculated from contemporaneous sources. Relevance of childbed fever in the early 1800s was low. Bern's data indicate that the extent of deaths related to childbirth in this period is overrated. This research has an explicit interdisciplinary value for various fields including both the humanities and natural sciences, since information reported here represents the complete age and sex structure of a deceased population. Physical anthropologists can use these data as a true reference group for their palaeodemographic studies of preindustrial Central Europe of the late 18th and early 19th century. It is a call to both historians and anthropologists to use our resources to a better effect through combination of methods and exchange of knowledge.

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Reform is a word that, one might easily say, characterizes more than any other the history and development of Buddhism. Yet, it must also be said that reform movements in East Asian Buddhism have often taken on another goal—harmony or unification; that is, a desire not only to reconstruct a more worthy form of Buddhism, but to simultaneously bring together all existing forms under a single banner, in theory if not in practice. This paper explores some of the tensions between the desire for reform and the quest for harmony in modern Japanese Buddhism thought, by comparing two developments: the late 19th century movement towards ‘New Buddhism’ (shin Bukkyō) as exemplified by Murakami Senshō 村上専精 (1851–1929), and the late 20th century movement known as ‘Critical Buddhism’ (hihan Bukkyō), as found in the works of Matsumoto Shirō 松本史朗 and Hakamaya Noriaki 袴谷憲昭. In all that has been written about Critical Buddhism, in both Japanese and English, very little attention has been paid to the place of the movement within the larger traditions of Japanese Buddhist reform. Here I reconsider Critical Buddhism in relation to the concerns of the previous, much larger trends towards Buddhist reform that emerged almost exactly 100 years previous—the so-called shin Bukkyō or New Buddhism of the late-Meiji era. Shin Bukkyō is a catch-all term that includes the various writings and activities of Inoue Enryō, Shaku Sōen, and Kiyozawa Manshi, as well as the so-called Daijō-hibussetsuron, a broad term used (often critically) to describe Buddhist writers who suggested that Mahāyāna Buddhism is not, in fact, the Buddhism taught by the ‘historical’ Buddha Śākyamuni. Of these, I will make a few general remarks about Daijō-hibusseturon, before turning attention more specifically to the work of Murakami Senshō, in order to flesh out some of the similarities and differences between his attempt to construct a ‘unified Buddhism’ and the work of his late-20th century avatars, the Critical Buddhists. Though a number of their aims and ideas overlap, I argue that there remain fundamental differences with respect to the ultimate purposes of Buddhist reform. This issue hinges on the implications of key terms such as ‘unity’ and ‘harmony’ as well as the way doctrinal history is categorized and understood, but it also relates to issues of ideology and the use and abuse of Buddhist doctrines in 20th-century politics.

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Through studying German, Polish and Czech publications on Silesia, Mr. Kamusella found that most of them, instead of trying to objectively analyse the past, are devoted to proving some essential "Germanness", "Polishness" or "Czechness" of this region. He believes that the terminology and thought-patterns of nationalist ideology are so deeply entrenched in the minds of researchers that they do not consider themselves nationalist. However, he notes that, due to the spread of the results of the latest studies on ethnicity/nationalism (by Gellner, Hobsbawm, Smith, Erikson Buillig, amongst others), German publications on Silesia have become quite objective since the 1980s, and the same process (impeded by under funding) has been taking place in Poland and the Czech Republic since 1989. His own research totals some 500 pages, in English, presented on disc. So what are the traps into which historians have been inclined to fall? There is a tendency for them to treat Silesia as an entity which has existed forever, though Mr. Kamusella points out that it emerged as a region only at the beginning of the 11th century. These same historians speak of Poles, Czechs and Germans in Silesia, though Mr. Kamusella found that before the mid-19th century, identification was with an inhabitant's local area, religion or dynasty. In fact, a German national identity started to be forged in Prussian Silesia only during the Liberation War against Napoleon (1813-1815). It was concretised in 1861 in the form of the first Prussian census, when the language a citizen spoke was equated with his/her nationality. A similar census was carried out in Austrian Silesia only in 1881. The censuses forced the Silesians to choose their nationality despite their multiethnic multicultural identities. It was the active promotion of a German identity in Prussian Silesia, and Vienna's uneasy acceptance of the national identities in Austrian Silesia which stimulated the development of Polish national, Moravian ethnic and Upper Silesian ethnic regional identities in Upper Silesia, and Polish national, Czech national, Moravian ethnic and Silesian ethnic identities in Austrian Silesia. While traditional historians speak of the "nationalist struggle" as though it were a permanent characteristic of Silesia, Mr. Kamusella points out that such a struggle only developed in earnest after 1918. What is more, he shows how it has been conveniently forgotten that, besides the national players, there were also significant ethnic movements of Moravians, Upper Silesians, Silesians and the tutejsi (i.e. those who still chose to identify with their locality). At this point Mr. Kamusella moves into the area of linguistics. While traditionally historians have spoken of the conflicts between the three national languages (German, Polish and Czech), Mr Kamusella reminds us that the standardised forms of these languages, which we choose to dub "national", were developed only in the mid-18th century, after 1869 (when Polish became the official language in Galicia), and after the 1870s (when Czech became the official language in Bohemia). As for standard German, it was only widely promoted in Silesia from the mid 19th century onwards. In fact, the majority of the population of Prussian Upper Silesia and Austrian Silesia were bi- or even multilingual. What is more, the "Polish" and "Czech" Silesians spoke were not the standard languages we know today, but a continuum of West-Slavic dialects in the countryside and a continuum of West-Slavic/German creoles in the urbanised areas. Such was the linguistic confusion that, from time to time, some ethnic/regional and Church activists strove to create a distinctive Upper Silesian/Silesian language on the basis of these dialects/creoles, but their efforts were thwarted by the staunch promotion of standard German, and after 1918, of standard Polish and Czech. Still on the subject of language, Mr. Kamusella draws attention to a problem around the issue of place names and personal names. Polish historians use current Polish versions of the Silesian place names, Czechs use current Polish/Czech versions of the place names, and Germans use the German versions which were in use in Silesia up to 1945. Mr. Kamusella attempted to avoid this, as he sees it, nationalist tendency, by using an appropriate version of a place name for a given period and providing its modern counterpart in parentheses. In the case of modern place names he gives the German version in parentheses. As for the name of historical figures, he strove to use the name entered on the birth certificate of the person involved, and by doing so avoid such confusion as, for instance, surrounds the Austrian Silesian pastor L.J. Sherschnik, who in German became Scherschnick, in Polish, Szersznik, and in Czech, Sersnik. Indeed, the prospective Silesian scholar should, Mr. Kamusella suggests, as well as the three languages directly involved in the area itself, know English and French, since many documents and books on the subject have been published in these languages, and even Latin, when dealing in depth with the period before the mid-19th century. Mr. Kamusella divides the policies of ethnic cleansing into two categories. The first he classifies as soft, meaning that policy is confined to the educational system, army, civil service and the church, and the aim is that everyone learn the language of the dominant group. The second is the group of hard policies, which amount to what is popularly labelled as ethnic cleansing. This category of policy aims at the total assimilation and/or physical liquidation of the non-dominant groups non-congruent with the ideal of homogeneity of a given nation-state. Mr. Kamusella found that soft policies were consciously and systematically employed by Prussia/Germany in Prussian Silesia from the 1860s to 1918, whereas in Austrian Silesia, Vienna quite inconsistently dabbled in them from the 1880s to 1917. In the inter-war period, the emergence of the nation-states of Poland and Czechoslovakia led to full employment of the soft policies and partial employment of the hard ones (curbed by the League of Nations minorities protection system) in Czechoslovakian Silesia, German Upper Silesia and the Polish parts of Upper and Austrian Silesia. In 1939-1945, Berlin started consistently using all the "hard" methods to homogenise Polish and Czechoslovakian Silesia which fell, in their entirety, within the Reich's borders. After World War II Czechoslovakia regained its prewar part of Silesia while Poland was given its prewar section plus almost the whole of the prewar German province. Subsequently, with the active involvement and support of the Soviet Union, Warsaw and Prague expelled the majority of Germans from Silesia in 1945-1948 (there were also instances of the Poles expelling Upper Silesian Czechs/Moravians, and of the Czechs expelling Czech Silesian Poles/pro-Polish Silesians). During the period of communist rule, the same two countries carried out a thorough Polonisation and Czechisation of Silesia, submerging this region into a new, non-historically based administrative division. Democratisation in the wake of the fall of communism, and a gradual retreat from the nationalist ideal of the homogeneous nation-state with a view to possible membership of the European Union, caused the abolition of the "hard" policies and phasing out of the "soft" ones. Consequently, limited revivals of various ethnic/national minorities have been observed in Czech and Polish Silesia, whereas Silesian regionalism has become popular in the westernmost part of Silesia which remained part of Germany. Mr. Kamusella believes it is possible that, with the overcoming of the nation-state discourse in European politics, when the expression of multiethnicity and multilingualism has become the cause of the day in Silesia, regionalism will hold sway in this region, uniting its ethnically/nationally variegated population in accordance with the principle of subsidiarity championed by the European Union.

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The project aimed to analyse representations of motherhood in Polish cinema as a special case of a more general system within the representation of women. It concentrated on the image of the Polish Mother created during the 19th century in Polish culture under the influence of specific political, social and religious factors. Ms. Ostrowska's initial hypothesis was that this symbolic image became one of the most stable elements in Polish cinema and as her research revealed, it was valuable for the preservation of national identity but nevertheless a fiercely constraining model for Polish femininity. In order to fully understand the nature of this persistent image it was initially necessary to related it to broader contexts and issues in representation. These included the image of the Polish Mother within general mythological structures (using the notion of myth in the Barthesian sense). Following her initial research Ms. Ostrowska felt that it was most appropriate to view the myth of the Polish Mother as a dominant ideological structure in the discourse of motherhood within Polish culture. An analysis of the myth of the Polish Mother can provide an insight into how Polish society sees itself at different periods in time and how a national identity was constructed in relation to particular ideological demands stemming from concrete historical and political situations. The analysis of the film version of this myth also revealed some aspects of the national character of Polish cinema. There the image of woman has become enshrined as the "eternal feminine", with virtues which are inevitably derived directly from Catholicism, particularly in relation to the networks of meanings around the central figure of Mary, Mother of God. In 19th century Poland these were linked with patriotic values and images of woman became part of the defence of the very idea of Poland and Polishness. After World War Two, this religious-political image system was adapted to the demands of the new communist ideology. The possibility of manipulating the ideological dimensions of the myth of the Polish Mother is due to the very nature of the image, which as a symbol of civil religion had been able to function independently of any particular state or church institution. Although in communist ideology the stress was on the patriotic aspect of the myth, its pronounced religious aspect was also transmitted, consciously or not, in the denotation process, this being of great significance in the viewer's response to the female character. This appropriation of elements derived from the national patriotic tradition into the discourse of communist ideology was a very efficient strategy to establish the illusion of continuity in national existence, which was supposed to convince society of the rightness of the new political situation. The analysis of films made in the post-war period showed the persistence of this discourse on motherhood in a range of cinematic texts regardless of the changing political situation. Ms. Ostrowska claims that the stability of this discursive formation is to a certain extent the result of the mythological aspect of the mother figure. This mythological structure also belongs to the ideology of Romanticism which in general continues to prevail in Polish cultural discourse as a meta-language of national community. The analysis of the films confirmed the hypothesis of the Polish Mother as a myth-sign whose signifier is stable whereas the signified depends on the specific historical conditions in which it is set. Therefore in the famous propaganda documentary Kobiety naszych dni (Women of Our Days, 1951) by Jan Zelnik, and in other films made after the October 1956 "thaw" it functions as an "empty sign. She concludes that it would be difficult to deny that the myth of the Polish Mother has offered Polish women a special role in national life, granting them a high moral position in the social, hierarchy. However the processes of idealisation involved have resulted in a deprivation of her subjectivity and the right to decide about her own life. This idealisation also served to strengthen traditional patriarchal structures through this set of female obligations to the mother land. In Polish ideology it is not a man who demands sacrifice from a woman but the motherland, which, deprived of the institutions of male power for nearly 150 years, had functioned as a feminine structure. That is why oppressive aspects of the myth have been obscured for so long. While Polish women were doubtless able to accept the constrictions because of their sense of national duty and any misgivings were overridden by the argument of the cause, it is important to recognise that the strength of these constructions, compounded by the ways in which they spoke of and continue to speak of a certain perfection, make them persist into contemporary Poland. Poland is however no longer embattled and the signs that made these meanings are potentially empty. This space for meaning will be and is already being contested and increasingly colonised by current western models of femininity. Ms. Ostrowska's final question is whether this will help to prevent a possible resentful victimisation of the silent and noble Polish Mother.