974 resultados para Governos de coalizão


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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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Pós-graduação em Ciência da Informação - FFC

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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Understanding the women’s political manifest at the present national scenario through analyzing the historicity and complexity of women’s movement and their contradictions regarding females / feminists actions in public and political areas. Thus, I give emphasis to the 30s and its “green blouses” and 60’s with “the marchadeiras” showing how those conservatives movements and their facist trend took on organized actions. And, also acting on the opposite way of democratic areas and the struggles for increasing the rights and advocating the maintenance of a status quo, keeping female traditional practices. Those women, who were living in the most visible female conjunctures and resistance to authoritarian governments, have taken positions that were holding back the progress in the game, contributing to reflux before the conquest of rights and gender equity.

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The implantation of military regimes in South America, from the mid-1960s, happened in the context of the Cold War. As a result, both the occurrence of military coups and the plans and actions for the national defense of the Southern Cone States occurred following the logic of that period and the concept of hemispheric defense preached by the United States, with priority in combating the so-called internal subversion. Thus, the need to combat the “internal enemy” has led these countries to participate in hemispheric mechanisms or create his own arrangements for coordination. The article starts from the conflict hypothesis used by the military governments in their military planning to analyze the actions carried out against leftist movements, including coordination between the governments of the Southern Cone. The understanding of the defense concepts against Soviet communism allows us to understand that the groups placed against the military governments were seen as a danger to the State and, in that “state of war”, the means justified the ends.

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The Comando dos Trabalhadores Intelectuais (CTI) was a group, a space of organization and representation of brazilian intellectuals and artists and that, previous to the military coup in 1964, participated of the debates and fomented the inclusion of sectors of the national intelligentzia in the democratization’s process of the culture. His insertion politics, of the point of view of the effervecence lived for the organized socials movements in Brazil in the years of João Goulart’s government, bring elements to detail the dynamics of the cultural left’s organizations that had emerged of the review’s process of Brazilian Communist Party (PCB), since 1958. The relevance of CTI is confirmed when understand it like an organization that congregated many intellectuals and artists that, after of the military coup in 1964, had been presents in the artistic and cultural brazilian scene, doing resistance to the military governments that if had occurred in the next decades.

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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Esse trabalho tem por objetivo, mostrar a evolução do sistema de transporte coletivo intermunicipal do Estado de São Paulo. Nesse sentido, partimos do processo de industrialização e nacionalização da indústria automobilística. Procuramos também mostrar a evolução do Departamento de Estradas e Rodagem [DER], no papel de direcionador e gerenciador do sistema. Nesse processo, detalhamos o papel de todos os governos do Estado de São Paulo, na implantação de sistema viário estadual [1950-2006]. Também procuramos demonstrar o surgimento dos principais grupos que monopolizam cada vez mais o setor dos transportes coletivo intermunicipal. Assim, vamos comprovar a tese de que as empresas do transporte coletivo intermunicipal estão utilizando as linhas suburbanas para fazer frente ao grande avanço do transporte clandestino intermunicipal no Estado de São Paulo.

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A reestruturação do setor de telecomunicações brasileiro é o tema desse trabalho. Essa mudança veio acompanhada da privatização do SISTEMA TELEBRÁS, monopólio estatal organizado em diversas subsidiárias, que forneciam os serviços através de uma rede de telecomunicações interligada em todo o território nacional (PIRES, 1999). Segundo REED (1997), privatização pode ser entendida como um processo através do qual os governos vendem suas empresas estatais na totalidade ou em blocos de ações a investidores privados locais ou internacionais. Apesar de ter sido iniciada ainda nos anos 80, a privatização brasileira só ganhou destaque quando chegou aos serviços públicos na segunda metade da década de 90, trazendo implicações micro e macroeconômicas, tornando-se necessário melhorar as instituições e o sistema de regulação dos setores. O objetivo do estudo é analisar a mudança ocorrida no setor de telecomunicações no Brasil, desde a criação da Telebrás nos anos 70 até a sua privatização; o que promoveu a transformação de um sistema estatal sem regulamentação e freqüentemente ineficiente para um novo setor, que necessitaria de grandes investimentos e esforços para atingir as metas de desenvolvimento

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The struggle for land is not a recent theme in Brazilian history. Since colonization, people have fought and resisted against oppression and injustice in the countryside, as can be evidenced by the highwaymen, peasant leagues and the war of Canudos. More recently, the struggle for land and agrarian reform can be evidenced by the struggles of the MST, CONTAG, CPT and other movements. For these movements, denominated as socioterritorial movements, land/territory is an essential condition for their existence and for the maintenance of their territoriality. The present paper examines the geography of socioterritorial moviments: the construction of the concept of socioterritorial movements and their forms of action and scales of actuation in the period 2000 to 2012, focusing on the movements that have been most active. These movements are studied through as analysis of data of the Land Struggle Data Base (Banco de Dados da Luta pela Terra –DATALUTA), print and digital media reports and a bibliographic survey of the literature. The action of socioterritorial movements can be studied through the forms of land occupations and demonstrations in the countryside which are the principal means of the struggle against large landholders, agribusiness and the State. These actions question the model of development which privileges agribusiness and, as such, are viewed by some as a hindrance to the development of the country. Over the years, the number of socioterritorial moviments, and their actions have oscillated due to a series of factors, such as repression (criminalization of members and violence against them), policies adopted by Brazilian governments and the contradictions inherent in very process of the spacialization of the struggle for land. These actions can be analyzed according to the scale of the struggle of the movements – municipal, micro-regional, state, macro-regional, and national