Dinâmicas de reprodução do comércio e os novos papéis urbanos de pequenas cidades norte-rio-grandenses: um olhar a partir das redes associativistas de supermercados

The work presented here aims to make an analysis of the socio-spatial dynamics of associative supermarket chains and their importance in redefining the roles of small urban North Rio Grande cities. The theoretical approach gives priority to business as a city constituent whose understanding allows us to seize the new socio-spatial dynamics of small towns in the face of globalization and which caused changes in the scope of its commercial forms. In this sense, we understand that trade, as an essentially urban activity has a very specific characteristic, with respect to its ability to transform the content and meaning of places. Another important factor in the construction work was the context of changes in the capitalist production system with the advent of flexible production and the determinations of the economic globalization process that brought new ways of organizing trade. The empirical analysis of the research includes two associative supermarket chains, the “Rede 10” and the “Rede Seridó”, bringing together basic elements for understanding the genesis and evolution of this new organizational model of trade in small towns of the state, as well as allowed -In understand the main changes in this segment of commercial activity. The methodology we used literature in books and periodicals, collected mainly secondary data collection with the SEBRAE and the ABRAS and was still a field research where interviews were conducted forwarded along to the associative network managers to supermarkets, owners of associated facilities and with consumers of the surveyed networks .Finally, we conclude that the formation and expansion of associative supermarket chains in the context of small cities potiguares is essentially in a survival alternative traditional small traders, that sharing the associative principles albeit somewhat rigidly guided by the training cooperation networks can not only stay in the market , but to impose as a new agent in the capital of the reproduction process. Thus, the associative supermarket chains in the search for new spaces, particularly within small towns end up promoting new momentum in these cities providing different flows and interconnections with different places, giving new content and urban roles. By taking not only the condition of the place of living, but also the place to reproduce the capital, small towns offer their population better able to make purchases, thus avoiding the mandatory population shifts to other urban centers in order to meet their consumption needs.

Vazios urbanos e a dinâmica imobiliária na produção do espaço em Natal

In Brazil, the discussion about the urban voids appear related to the capitalist urban expansion process, when the urban growth act the cities were expanding toward the periphery, leaving in the interstices vacant land, kept out of the market waiting for the real estate valuation. In Natal, the formation of voids was triggered by the process of fragmentation of space promoted mainly by the urban sprawl with the emergence of new neighborhoods, lots of openings, housing developments and the emergence of new lines of commercial centrality. In this sense, this study aims to understand the role played by urban voids in the real estate dynamics and the production process of the Natal city space. For this, it was adressed the concept building on the conception of different authors and were characterized four types of gaps that best explained the phenomenon in the context of the work proposal addressed, such as idle, empty expectant, empty-brownfield areas and institutional areas. For each of these events were considered an example in the general context of the city through semi-structured interviews with technicians, managers and public officials in promoting the city and /or related to management of urban voids.

Da voz que cala ao corpo que fala: o assédio moral no ambiente de trabalho como desafio para o serviço social

The changes ocurred in the world of capitalist labor, especially from the last decades of the 20th century, accentuated the process of manipulation and domination of the working class, materialized mainly through naturalization and / or trivialization of violence, conducted in the work environment. From this process, emerge the elements of bullying, that is, the embarrassing and humiliating practices which extend through time, degrading human race, and becoming fruitful object for study, debate and the intervention of the professionals of the Social Service area. Thus, we assume the perspective of analyzing the concepts and the work of social workers, whom work at people management area before the bullying in the workplace. We propose the following objectives: apprehend the settings of bullying, in the contemporary context of competitiveness and flexibility of work, as well as its implications for workers' health; characterize the background of this expression of violence at work in the municipality of Natal- RN; and analyze the powers and duties of the social worker in the process of prevention, identification and addressing of bullying in the context of work. This study consisted of a qualitative approach, based on the dialectical-critical method as soon as we adopt methodological procedures such as: theoretical knowledge, documental and field research, and performed using semi-structured interviews. The subjects of this research were nine (09) the Social Service professionals working in personnel management area, in five (5) institutions with legal and branches of different activities, located in Natal-RN. Even interviewed one (01) representative of the Public Ministry of Rio Grande do Norte Office (MPT-RN). The findings of this analysis indicate that bullying is a contemporary expression of "social question", which is presented as a demand for the Social-assistants – covered up and / or camuflage – under the guise of problems related to workers' health or mere conflicts of interpersonal relationships, that is, without any causal connection with the organization of work. The fear of losing job, not to be inserted in the labor market, and / or suffering reprisals, deepens the subject levels of the victims of bullying. Hence the importance of Social Workers are capable to understand the social reality, by preventing and combating the elements of bullying.

Os usos do território e a economia solidária no Rio Grande do Norte

The solidary economy as the organization of production, alternative to the capitalist economy provides new forms of organization and social behavior, that, in the sight of geography, it is shown by the different territory uses. The territory assume new meanings that, influenced by the Solidary Economy movement, tries to reach for new ways of acting that differ from social order already stablished. However, the different uses show themselves in a more complex and contradictory way, given that, in solidary undertakings, different corporative agents start to act, the State being a last resource on this process. Given this reality, our goal on the present paper is to analyze the different uses of the territory from the rural economic solidary undertakings and the relationship it establishes to the different agents involved on the socio-territorial dynamics on Rio Grande do Norte. Starting from a study that contemplates the territorial organization forms and contents of the analyzed phenomena, the methodology utilized for this research is based on a bibliographic review, with authors from the geography and areas related to the Solidary Economy, besides the use of secondary data, acquired from official offices such as SIES and IBGE, from the documented research, SENAES and field interviews conducted with local solidary undertakings. The results obtained in the study reveal the complexity of the agricultural use of the territory by Solidary Economy on the RN, while a resource of intensified use, from the state actions and important economical agents, and regulating the use while shelter, that marginalize solidary workers, making them subdued to the hegemonic logic. Therefore, we can infer that the solidary economy, despite its image of new form of organization between agricultural workers, given the expressivity of the rural solidary undertakings presented on RN, it hasn’t shown a full social development as an instrument of reproduction and emancipation of the associates. Nevertheless, the undertakings articulated in nets excel, even when considering its punctual and residual form. The given contradictions show that it is necessary to fortify the building of the solidary economy as being horizontal and popular based for it to have strength to surpass the regulative actions of the capitalist state and ownership created by the Capital.

As múltiplas dimensões da garantia dos direitos do paciente idoso internado: o caso de uma instituição hospitalar pública no município de Natal/RN

In the context of current capitalist society, marked by the logic that restricts the human person their status as workforce, in order to generate profits, old age is often treated as an underprivileged life stage. This reality becomes more intense considering the sharp aging process that affects brazilian society is accompanied by the country's entry into a globalized world and tensioned by the dictates of capital. Thus, despite the increasing development of policies to strengthen the guarantee of elderly rights, it is necessary to establish effective strategies of these measures to ensure a higher quality of life to these subjects. Therefore, it is necessary to develop studies that problematize the issue of the elderly, which represent a growing portion of the population, and hence have more visible demands, including in health. With the increase in the elderly population in Brazil it is possible to realize the country is going through a demographic transition and epidemiological changes that contribute to change the landscape of health care of the elderly, especially the hospitalization. Thus, this study aimed to analyze the multiple aspects of ensuring the rights of elderly patients admitted to the State Hospital Dr. Ruy Pereira dos Santos (HRPS), located in Natal / RN, whose most patients are elderly. Specifically sought to understand the aging process, its social consequences and the vulnerability to which it is exposed, especially during the disease situation; understand the process of construction of the Brazilian public health and their actions for older people; learn the expressions of citizenship formation in Brazil with regard to policies for older people; and investigate the design of health professionals about the guarantee of the right of hospitalized elderly. Starting from an integrated coordinated theoretical and practical possibilities, a qualitative research and literature character, documentary and field was held. For this, there were four semi-structured interviews with health research locus Hospital professionals - namely, two social workers, a doctor and a nurse - as well as life stories with the hospitalized elderly patients, one in each deck the said Hospital, totaling three. The results pointed to the difficulty of health policy become effective as law and stressed one historical scenario violation of the rights of elderly hospitalized patients, which persists due to the precarious situation and the difficulty of effective implementation of the Unified Health System (SUS ) and other public policies to that end.

As raízes históricas da política criminal na legislação e nas práticas de atendimento ao adolescente em conflito com a lei

This thesis investigates the historical influence of the criminal policy in the context that shapes the first specific law for children and adolescents in Brazil, the 1927 Children's Code, a standard that inaugurates the conceptual scission between children and "minor" and their different treatment by the State. The study addresses the demand for order in the context of changes in the working world in the transition from the slave system to the capitalist mode of production, and the corresponding disciplinary and punitive control mechanisms directed to the segment of childhood and adolescence. The theoretical route proposes a questioning of the political construction of law and justice, as well as the conformation of the punitive techniques, and the construction of the stereotype of the "delinquent", prime target of the criminal policy, focusing on the process of criminalization of the segment in question through the confrontation of the Critical perspective with the approaches of Classical and Positive schools. This research shows the imposition of a bourgeois morality that obscures the social conflict attributing it to people isolated by the criminalization of their conduct; and points out that the historical forms of selective social control were greatly influenced by psychiatry and psychology, either by the elaboration of the image of the "delinquent" or by the expected performance of custodial institutions. Finally, the developments and the permanence of the historical roots of the criminal policy are problematized, relating them to the difficulties currently encountered in the consolidation of the legal garantism paradigm proposed by the Children and Adolescent Statute.

As raízes históricas da política criminal na legislação e nas práticas de atendimento ao adolescente em conflito com a lei

This thesis investigates the historical influence of the criminal policy in the context that shapes the first specific law for children and adolescents in Brazil, the 1927 Children's Code, a standard that inaugurates the conceptual scission between children and "minor" and their different treatment by the State. The study addresses the demand for order in the context of changes in the working world in the transition from the slave system to the capitalist mode of production, and the corresponding disciplinary and punitive control mechanisms directed to the segment of childhood and adolescence. The theoretical route proposes a questioning of the political construction of law and justice, as well as the conformation of the punitive techniques, and the construction of the stereotype of the "delinquent", prime target of the criminal policy, focusing on the process of criminalization of the segment in question through the confrontation of the Critical perspective with the approaches of Classical and Positive schools. This research shows the imposition of a bourgeois morality that obscures the social conflict attributing it to people isolated by the criminalization of their conduct; and points out that the historical forms of selective social control were greatly influenced by psychiatry and psychology, either by the elaboration of the image of the "delinquent" or by the expected performance of custodial institutions. Finally, the developments and the permanence of the historical roots of the criminal policy are problematized, relating them to the difficulties currently encountered in the consolidation of the legal garantism paradigm proposed by the Children and Adolescent Statute.

As políticas educacionais em Minas Gerais e seu impacto no plano de carreira dos trabalhadores em educação (2003-2014)

Based on the theoretical approach on the structure and functioning of the capitalist mode of production in the light of the Marxian perspective of Althusser, Poulanzas and Saes, the objective of this study is to describe and analyze the career path of the deployment process of education workers public state of Minas Gerais, in the context of neoliberal educational policies implemented in the period 2003-2014. This study will make use of the techniques of bibliographical and documentary research; to do so, we will try, at first, to establish the correspondence of this peculiar mode of production (capitalism) and the bourgeois state, trying to understand their legal and political structure, characterized by the right and the bourgeois bureaucracy, highlighting the importance of the state apparatus to conditioning ideologies and their structures for prescription of social practices. In the second phase, we will present to the prevailing ideologies School appear in the form of speech and legal and governmental practices in today's society. Finally, we will seek to understand the applicability of the theory studied in the concrete reality of educational public policies implemented in Minas Gerais, in the perspective of democratic government, modernized and efficient state, as opposed to the interests of the Single Union of Education Workers (Sind-UTE / MG). Thus, we can conclude that our work object is to analyze the educational policies of the bourgeois state, focusing on career path in the context of Minas Gerais, from 2003 to 2014, and its social, political and economic education for workers Minas Gerais state and the society today.

Employee-owned firms: a labour model with potential?

In Spain, the companies that are mainly owned by the employees form a part of the Social Economy and offer an alternative business model, which is found in a conventional capitalist economy. The objective of this study is to establish whether there are significant differences in the performance of Employee Owned Firms (EOFs) and more conventionally structured businesses, non-Employee Owned Firms (non-EOFs), due to the inherent differences in the capital-ownership structure. The aim is to establish whether or not a corporate governance structure characterised by the employee participation for both the financial and the informational decision-making aspects can be advocated. The results show differences in favour of the conventional non-EOFs for various indicators measuring economic performance and confirm the different objectives of each business type; however, they provide evidence of significant differences in favour of the EOFs in terms of the efficient use of the capital and labour factors of production, according to the theoretical literature.

Ontology and gnoseology of capitalism in Isaak Illich Rubin: 'Essays on marxist theory of value'

This concise essay attempts to show why Isaak Illich Rubin is, until today, the best interpreter, commentator and developer of The Capital of Karl Marx, understanding Marx’s work as an ontology and a gnoseology of the capitalist economic system. To do this, we analyze the relations existing between Marx, Rubin and the theory of science of the Spanish Marxist philosopher Gustavo Bueno. In this way, we can interpret the work “Essays on Marxist theory of value” also as an ontology and a gnoseology of capitalism.

Még egyszer a "rendszerparadigmáról". Tisztázás és kiegészítések a posztszocialista régió tapasztalatainak fényében = About the system paradigm once again: Clarification and additions in the light of experiences in the post-socialist region

A paradigma kifejezést Thomas Kuhn honosította meg a tudományfilozófiában: így nevezte el azt a sajátos szemléletmódot, ahogyan egy kutatási irányzat rátekint vizsgálata tárgyára. Azonos paradigmát használó kutatók hasonló kérdésekre keresik a választ, hasonló módszereket és fogalmakat alkalmaznak. A szerző 1999-ben publikált cikkében vezette be a "rendszerparadigma" kifejezést, amely a társadalomban működő rendszereket helyezi a vizsgálat középpontjába. A tanulmány a posztszocialista átalakulás során szerzett tapasztalatok alapján fejleszti tovább a korábbi cikkben kifejtett elméleti gondolatokat. Az első rész a szocialista és a kapitalista rendszert hasonlítja össze; leírja fő jellemzőiket, majd megállapítja, hogy Észak-Korea és Kuba kivételével az egykori szocialista országokban meghonosodott a kapitalista rendszer. A második rész a politikai-kormányzati formák szerint tipologizálja a kapitalizmus változatait. Három markáns típust különböztet meg: a demokráciát, az autokráciát és a diktatúrát. Huntington a demokratizálás harmadik hullámáról írt. A tanulmány arra a következtetésre jut, hogy ez a hullám elapadt, a 47 posztszocialista ország lakosságának mindössze egytizede él demokráciában, a többiben autokrácia vagy diktatúra uralkodik. A harmadik rész Magyarországra alkalmazza a kialakított fogalmi és elemzési apparátust: itt kapitalizmus van, a politikai-kormányzati forma autokrácia - lényeges közös jellemzők mutathatók ki más kapitalista országokkal, illetve más autokráciákkal. Ez összefér azzal a felismeréssel, hogy egyes - nem alapvető jelentőségű - vonások egyediek, "hungarikumok", különböznek minden más ország tulajdonságaitól. _____ The expression paradigm, introduced into the philosophy of science by Thomas Kuhn for the way a research trend views the subject examined, denotes a case where researchers pursue similar questions by similar methods with similar concepts. The author introduced the expression system paradigm" in a 1999 article centred on the systems operating in society. This paper takes those theoretical ideas further, based on experience in the post-socialist transformation. The first part compares the socialist and capitalist systems and their main features, establishing that all former socialist countries but North Korea and Cuba have embraced the capitalist system. The second adds a typology of the varieties of capitalism by politico-governmental form, marking three types: democracy, autocracy and dictatorship. Huntington writes of a third wave of democratization, which this study concludes has ceased. Democracy reigns in only 10 per cent of the 47 post-socialist countries, autocracy or dictatorship in the others. The third part applies this conceptual and analytical framework to Hungary, where capitalism prevails, with autocracy as its politico-governmental form. It shows strongly similar features to other capitalist countries and other autocracies. This is compatible with recognizing that some features of less than fundamental importance are specific to Hungary and differ from those elsewhere.

Learning from a deceptively spacious policy discourse

In this chapter, the way in which varied terms such as Networked learning, e-learning and Technology Enhanced Learning (TEL) have each become colonised to support a dominant, economically-based world view of educational technology is discussed. Critical social theory about technology, language and learning is brought into dialogue with examples from a corpus-based Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) of UK policy texts for educational technology between1997 and 2012. Though these policy documents offer much promise for enhancement of people’s performance via technology, the human presence to enact such innovation is missing. Given that ‘academic workload’ is a ‘silent barrier’ to the implementation of TEL strategies (Gregory and Lodge, 2015), analysis further exposes, through empirical examples, that the academic labour of both staff and students appears to be unacknowledged. Global neoliberal capitalist values have strongly territorialised the contemporary university (Hayes & Jandric, 2014), utilising existing naïve, utopian arguments about what technology alone achieves. Whilst the chapter reveals how humans are easily ‘evicted’, even from discourse about their own learning (Hayes, 2015), it also challenges staff and students to seek to re-occupy the important territory of policy to subvert the established order. We can use the very political discourse that has disguised our networked learning practices, in new explicit ways, to restore our human visibility.

Other Than a Citizen: Vernacular Poetics in Postwar America

Few symbols of 1950s-1960s America remain as central to our contemporary conception of Cold War culture as the iconic ranch-style suburban home. While the house took center stage in the Nixon/Khrushchev kitchen debates as a symbol of modern efficiency and capitalist values, its popularity depended largely upon its obvious appropriation of vernacular architecture from the 19th century, those California haciendas and Texas dogtrots that dotted the American west. Contractors like William Levitt modernized the historical common houses, hermetically sealing their porous construction, all while using the ranch-style roots of the dwelling to galvanize a myth of an indigenous American culture. At a moment of intense occupational bureaucracy, political uncertainty and atomized social life, the rancher gave a self-identifying white consumer base reason to believe they could master their own plot in the expansive frontier. Only one example of America’s mid-century love affair with commodified vernacular forms, the ranch-style home represents a broad effort on the part of corporate and governmental interest groups to transform the vernacular into a style that expresses a distinctly homogenous vision of American culture. “Other than a Citizen” begins with an anatomy of that transformation, and then turns to the work of four poets who sought to reclaim the vernacular from that process of standardization and use it to countermand the containment-era strategies of Cold War America.

In four chapters, I trace references to common speech and verbal expressivity in the poetry and poetic theory of Charles Olson, Robert Duncan, LeRoi Jones/Amiri Baraka and Gwendolyn Brooks, against the historical backdrop of the Free-Speech Movement and the rise of mass-culture. When poets frame nonliterary speech within the literary page, they encounter the inability of writing to capture the vital ephemerality of verbal expression. Rather than treat this limitation as an impediment, the writers in my study use the poem to dramatize the fugitivity of speech, emphasizing it as a disruptive counterpoint to the technologies of capture. Where critics such as Houston Baker interpret the vernacular strictly in terms of resistance, I take a cue from the poets and argue that the vernacular, rooted etymologically at the intersection of domestic security and enslaved margin, represents a gestalt form, capable at once of establishing centralized power and sparking minor protest. My argument also expands upon Michael North’s exploration of the influence of minstrelsy and regionalism on the development of modernist literary technique in The Dialect of Modernism. As he focuses on writers from the early 20th century, I account for the next generation, whose America was not a culturally inferior collection of immigrants but an imperial power, replete with economic, political and artistic dominance. Instead of settling for an essentially American idiom, the poets in my study saw in the vernacular not phonetic misspellings, slang terminology and fragmented syntax, but the potential to provoke and thereby frame a more ethical mode of social life, straining against the regimentation of citizenship.

My attention to the vernacular argues for an alignment among writers who have been segregated by the assumption that race and aesthetics are mutually exclusive categories. In reading these writers alongside one another, “Other than a Citizen” shows how the avant-garde concepts of projective poetics and composition by field develop out of an interest in black expressivity. Conversely, I trace black radicalism and its emphasis on sociality back to the communalism practiced at the experimental arts college in Black Mountain, North Carolina, where Olson and Duncan taught. In pressing for this connection, my work reveals the racial politics embedded within the speech-based aesthetics of the postwar era, while foregrounding the aesthetic dimension of militant protest.

Not unlike today, the popular rhetoric of the Cold War insists that to be a citizen involves defending one’s status as a rightful member of an exclusionary nation. To be other than a citizen, as the poets in my study make clear, begins with eschewing the false certainty that accompanies categorical nominalization. In promoting a model of mutually dependent participation, these poets lay the groundwork for an alternative model of civic belonging, where volition and reciprocity replace compliance and self-sufficiency. In reading their lines, we become all the more aware of the cracks that run the length of our load-bearing walls.

Desarrollismo y el progreso en la Argentina : un aporte marxista

El desarrollismo como ideología política enervó buena parte de la trama latinoamericana de las décadas de 1950 y de 1960. Si bien muchas veces se la puede entender como la mera adaptación del keynesianismo y la economía del desarrollo a las condiciones regionales, sus fuentes ideológicas resultaron mucho más complejas. Su configuración híbrida contuvo una mezcla de nacionalismo, economía del desarrollo, junto con marxismo y positivismo. Entre los ideólogos del desarrollismo argentino, nos interesa estudiar el aporte de un intelectual de formación leninista ortodoxa, Juan José Real, cuya participación resultaría problemática en el contexto de la agudización de la llamada Guerra Fría. En una mirada que combinaba la idea de ley aplicada a la historia y la voluntad como herramienta de cambio, Real sostenía que la etapa histórica que vivía el país requería la formación de un frente político cuyo objetivo debería ser la profundización del desarrollo capitalista, con la colaboración del capital extranjero, como la etapa necesaria para completar la formación de una nación, bajo el liderazgo de una burguesía modernizante.

Desarrollismo y el progreso en la Argentina : un aporte marxista

El desarrollismo como ideología política enervó buena parte de la trama latinoamericana de las décadas de 1950 y de 1960. Si bien muchas veces se la puede entender como la mera adaptación del keynesianismo y la economía del desarrollo a las condiciones regionales, sus fuentes ideológicas resultaron mucho más complejas. Su configuración híbrida contuvo una mezcla de nacionalismo, economía del desarrollo, junto con marxismo y positivismo. Entre los ideólogos del desarrollismo argentino, nos interesa estudiar el aporte de un intelectual de formación leninista ortodoxa, Juan José Real, cuya participación resultaría problemática en el contexto de la agudización de la llamada Guerra Fría. En una mirada que combinaba la idea de ley aplicada a la historia y la voluntad como herramienta de cambio, Real sostenía que la etapa histórica que vivía el país requería la formación de un frente político cuyo objetivo debería ser la profundización del desarrollo capitalista, con la colaboración del capital extranjero, como la etapa necesaria para completar la formación de una nación, bajo el liderazgo de una burguesía modernizante.