933 resultados para liberal ideology


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It is commonly assumed that the story of Jephthah's vow refers to an 'old tradition' that was integrated into the Deuteronomistic History. But such a view is contrary to Dtr ideology which is absolutely hostile to any human sacrifice (2 Kgs 16.3; 17.17, 31; 21.6 etc.). A literary-critical approach to Judges 11 shows that vv. 30-31 [32] and 34-40 may be considered as post-Dtr. The author of Judg. 11.30-40 seems to know the story of the Aqedah, but he is not willing to make a happy ending. There is a tragic dimension in the story and quite an Hellenistic atmosphere (the best parallels to Judg. 11.30-40 may be fou Hellenistic nd in texts). So this text should be considered an insertion from the end of the Persian or beginning of the Hellenistic periods. The author tends to show that Jewish classics can be as tragic as Greek ones.

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This paper analyzes the political economy of immigration when the salient electoralissue is the level of immigrants and the relevant immigration policy is the expenditurein immigration control. We consider that immigration affects voters? welfarethrough economic and non economic factors. We model political competition `a laWittman with the ideology of parties endogenously determined at equilibrium. Atequilibrium, parties propose different levels of immigration, located to the left and tothe right of the median voter?s ideal point, and combine skilled and unskilled workersamong their constituencies. Numerical simulations provide the levels of immigrationproposed by the two parties and the composition of parties? constituencies as we varythe efficacy of immigration control and the intensity of immigration aversion.

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Summary: The patriotic man with a sports religion : Lauri Pihkala, the champion of modern sports ideology

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The origins of biblical historiography may be dated to the end of the VIIth c. and linked to those of the deuteronomic school itself. In order to justify Josiah's politics, his scribes elaborated a collection of texts (Deut, Josh, Kings, a vita Mosis in Gen-Nb) which were widely inspired by Assyrian ideology. During the Babylonian exile, this literature underwent a transformation: the new created « Deuteronomistic History, (Deut-2 Kings) converted propaganda into theodicee. The Deuteronomists were still at work in the Persian period as can be seen in numerous texts in Deut-2 Kings, as well as in the edition of the prophetic corpus. From now on, dtr ideology was centered on three points: the restauration by law, the end of prophecy and the need to separate Israel from the « others » (cf. EsdNeh). But the Persian period was also the, time of compromise. The Pentateuch was made by putting together dtr and priestly ideologies, « autochtonous » and « exodic » views about the origins of Israel.

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RESUM Actualment la majoria de nosaltres sabem de l’existència de molts programes lliures, però hem tenir clar que lliure no vol dir sempre programa gratuït. Tot i que a vegades sí que pot ser-ho, es té en compte molt més que això: és una manera de pensar i entendre el programari i al llarg dels anys ha generat tot un moviment social. Considerem que un programa lliure és aquell que garanteix als usuaris la llibertat per executar, copiar, distribuir, estudiar, canviar i millorar el codi programat, com molt bé defineixen les seves llibertats bàsiques. El programari lliure el podem trobar funcionant en ordinadors personals, escoles, empreses diverses, administracions, etc. ja que la majoria de programes que utilitzen actualment, com hem vist, tenen el seu equivalent en lliure. El fet de si és viable que una empresa es passi a programari lliure, depèn ben bé del seu entorn, ja que en funció d’aquest li serà més o menys fàcil la migració. La finalitat d’aquest projecte és, primer de tot, fer un ampli estudi del món del programari lliure i del seu moviment social. S’ha fet una recerca de diferents aspectes dins del programari lliure per conèixer-lo a fons i després s’ha proposat una possible implantació d’aquest en un usuari domèstic i en una administració pública, tenint en compte tots els aspectes vistos en l’estudi, valorant si totes les idees que defensa i els beneficis que aporta són aplicables i viables en qualsevol persona i àmbit i el perquè. Com a conclusió principal en destacaria que tot i que el programa lliure disposa d’una ideologia que agrada i té uns programes tècnicament perfectes (sense que això sigui el seu objectiu principal), penso que encara hi ha molt camí per recórrer quant a una migració en grans entorns, ja que per exemple en un ajuntament una migració total és encara difícil (tot i que no impossible perquè n’hi ha que s’hi han migrat). A l’apartat d’annexos s’hi inclou un glossari amb un seguit de terminologies amb paraules que no tothom pot saber i s’ha cregut oportú incloure-les en aquest apartat. La primera vegada que apareix alguna d’aquestes paraules la podem trobar senyalitzada amb un *.

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One of the limitations of cross-country health expenditure analysis refers to the fact that the financing, the internal organization and political restraints of health care decision-making are country-specific and heterogeneous. Yet, a potential solution is to examine the influence of such effects in those countries that have undertaken decentralization processes. In such a setting, it is possible to examine potential expenditure spillovers across the geography of a country as well as the influence of the political ideology of regional incumbents on public health expenditure. This paper examines the determinants of public health expenditure within Spanish region-states (Autonomous Communities, ACs), most of them subject to similar financing structures although exhibiting significant heterogeneity as a result of the increasing decentralization, region-specific political factors along with different use of health care inputs, economic dimension and spatial interactions

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OBJECTIVE: Intravenous methadone is associated with increased risk of morbidity and mortality. A previous report from a methadone center in Fribourg, Switzerland, found a high prevalence (43%) of patients who injected oral methadone. We therefore wished to assess the prevalence of methadone injection among patients in oral methadone programs in 3 other Swiss cities--Lausanne, Geneva, and La Chaux-de-Fonds. METHOD: Subjects were randomly selected and interviewed by assistant psychologists who were not on the staff of the study centers. Participation was voluntary and anonymous. RESULTS: 164 patients participated in the study (n = 58 in Lausanne, 52 in Geneva, and 54 in La Chaux-de-Fonds). The prevalence of methadone injection was low (5%) and did not differ significantly between the cities. DISCUSSION: Less liberal policies cannot explain the lower prevalence of methadone injection in these three centers than in Fribourg. The high prevalence of methadone injection there is probably related to its separate methadone injection program: patients in oral methadone programs may be more likely to injection methadone when other patients authorized to do so. IN CONCLUSION: Although the 5% prevalence of methadone injection found in the 3 cities surveyed is low, it is not negligible. These results suggest that information on the risks associated with injection of methadone syrup should be provided to all methadone maintenance. This information is especially necessary when maintenance therapy is provided in the same center, or city as injectable methadone maintenance.

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One of the limitations of cross-country health expenditure analysis refers to the fact that the financing, the internal organization and political restraints of health care decision-making are country-specific and heterogeneous. Yet, a potential solution is to examine the influence of such effects in those countries that have undertaken decentralization processes. In such a setting, it is possible to examine potential expenditure spillovers across the geography of a country as well as the influence of the political ideology of regional incumbents on public health expenditure. This paper examines the determinants of public health expenditure within Spanish region-states (Autonomous Communities, ACs), most of them subject to similar financing structures although exhibiting significant heterogeneity as a result of the increasing decentralization, region-specific political factors along with different use of health care inputs, economic dimension and spatial interactions

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In Switzerland, the land management regime is characterized by a liberal attitude towards the institution of property rights, which is guaranteed by the Constitution. Under the present Swiss constitutional arrangement, authorities (municipalities) are required to take into account landowners' interests when implementing their spatial planning policy. In other words, the institution of property rights cannot be restricted easily in order to implement zoning plans and planning projects. This situation causes many problems. One of them is the gap between the way land is really used by the landowners and the way land should be used based on zoning plans. In fact, zoning plans only describe how landowners should use their property. There is no sufficient provision for handling cases where the use is not in accordance with zoning plans. In particular, landowners may not be expropriated for a non-conforming use of the land. This situation often leads to the opening of new building areas in greenfields and urban sprawl, which is in contradiction with the goals set into the Federal Law on Spatial Planning. In order to identify legal strategies of intervention to solve the problem, our paper is structured into three main parts. Firstly, we make a short description of the Swiss land management regime. Then, we focus on an innovative land management approach designed to implement zoning plans in accordance with property rights. Finally, we present a case study that shows the usefulness of the presented land management approach in practice. We develop three main results. Firstly, the land management approach brings a mechanism to involve landowners in planning projects. Coordination principle between spatial planning goals and landowners' interests is the cornerstone of all the process. Secondly, the land use is improved both in terms of space and time. Finally, the institution of property rights is not challenged, since there is no expropriation and the market stays free.

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O objetivo deste artigo é discutir o significado do liberalismo para Anísio Teixeira, procurando mostrar que a sua teoria liberal não pode ser entendida sob um ponto de vista individualista, mas a partir do modo como combina indivíduo e sociedade, contrabalançando o respeito às diferenças individuais com as necessidades sociais que devem ser cumpridas. Nesse sentido, salientar-se-á a maneira criativa com que o educador equilibra liberdade e igualdade em educação, tornando possível entender esse liberalismo para além das fronteiras usuais de sua interpretação.

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O artigo procura desvendar o novo impacto educacional que pode causar políticas de identidade e multiculturalismo, argumentando que é preciso prover a nova abordagem com a compreensão da forma como categorias de peso como cultura, raça e nação vêm sendo construídas. Para tanto, recorre à posição filosófica de Simone Weil, a qual defende a necessidade de partir das "raízes" para aprender a conhecer as qualidades éticas da categoria da identidade. Contrapõe-se, nesse sentido, à política de identidade de Taylor, que busca reconciliar o individualismo liberal com os direitos coletivos e que informa as iniciativas multiculturais e anti-racistas de duas secretarias de educação de províncias canadenses. Revê ainda as críticas ao multiculturalismo de Bissoondath e Schlesinger, expondo a posição dos autores sobre nacionalismo ético. Finalmente admite: por mais obscura que possa ser a prioridade educacional dada à descoberta dos processos políticos, incluindo-se a própria escolarização, ela confere força e significância pessoal a importantes aspectos da identidade.

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El artículo considera la educación como un elemento central del gobernamiento, un arte para la conducción de sí y de los otros. Este arte, que entre los siglos XVI y el XX, se entendió, por lo menos, de tres maneras distintas: la "Ensenanza con énfasis en la gubernamentalidad disciplinaria", corresponde a la emergencia de la Didáctica (siglos XVI y XVII) y de las prácticas de policia; la "Educación con énfasis en la gubernamentalidad liberal" (siglos XVIII y XIX) corresponde a la aparición de los conceptos de educación, libertad e interés; es el momento de articulación de prácticas Disciplinarias con nuevas prácticas liberales y, con ellas, la emergencia de prácticas biopolíticas en la educación; el "Aprendizaje con énfasis en la gubernamentalidad neoliberal", que encuentra en la educación permanente y en el capital humano las condiciones de emergencia de una "sociedad del aprendizaje".

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One of the limitations of cross-country health expenditure analysis refers to the fact that the financing, the internal organization and political restraints of health care decision-making are country-specific and heterogeneous. Yet, a potential solution is to examine the influence of such effects in those countries that have undertaken decentralization processes. In such a setting, it is possible to examine potential expenditure spillovers across the geography of a country as well as the influence of the political ideology of regional incumbents on public health expenditure. This paper examines the determinants of public health expenditure within Spanish region-states (Autonomous Communities, ACs), most of them subject to similar financing structures although exhibiting significant heterogeneity as a result of the increasing decentralization, region-specific political factors along with different use of health care inputs, economic dimension and spatial interactions

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No hay caracterización del republicanismo que no mencione la virtud cívica. Sin embargo, no siempre es clara la ubicación de la virtud en el entramado de la filosofía política republicana. Tomaré como punto de partida la reflexión de Rawls. Su temor es que la defensa de lo que la democracia necesita, la virtud cívica, ponga en peligro la libertad. Es lo que llamaré el «problema (de Rawls) con la virtud». Un problema que, a su parecer, compromete seriamente al republicanismo. Por mi parte, intentaré mostrar que, en realidad, se trata de un problema del liberalismo que apunta directamente a una bien conocida tensión entre los derechos y la democracia, cuya única «solución liberal» pasa por atrincherar los derechos «frente a la democracia», excluyendo el compromiso ciudadano. En la segunda parte mostraré que el problema es real, pero que no afecta a todos los republicanismos y argumentaré que «el problema de Rawls» afecta, fundamentalmente, a aquel republicanismo que hace de la «realización ciudadana» su objetivo, que busca, por así decir, maximizar la virtud. No sucede lo mismo con aquel otro que otorga a la virtud un carácter instrumental. En la parte final precisaré esa idea de republicanismo que otorga tanto a la virtud como a la democracia un papel instrumental en lo que realmente importa: la libertad.