995 resultados para equal rights
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Ce mémoire a pour but d’explorer la littérature sur le sujet de la justice scolaire. L’étude sera divisée sous trois axes. Il sera question d’abord de l’accessibilité à l’éducation. Il y a au moins quatre grands principes au libéralisme : (1) les individus sont libres et égaux ; (2) les individus ont tous droit à des chances égales de mener à terme leur projet de vie ; (3) les individus sont détenteurs d’un ensemble de droits garantis par la société ; (4) l’État adopte une posture de neutralité. Partant de ces valeurs, nous établissons des liens avec la nécessité d’une accessibilité à l’éducation. En second lieu, ce mémoire étudiera trois modèles d’école : l’école parentale, l’école étatique, et l’école orientée vers l’autonomie. Nous argumenterons, avec Harry Brighouse, à l’effet que l’éducation orientée vers l’autonomie constitue l’objectif qui respecte le plus les valeurs du libéralisme, dont l’impératif de neutralité, et les intérêts des jeunes. Dans la dernière partie de cette étude, nous étudierons trois conceptions de l’égalité : égalité des ressources (Jean-Fabien Spitz), égalité des opportunités (Richard Arneson) de bien-être et le suffisantisme (Debra Satz). Afin de juger de leurs qualités respectives, nous tenterons de les appliquer au système éducatif afin d’en faire ressortir les forces et les faiblesses.
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Les changements socioéconomiques des dernières décennies ont profondément transformé le rapport qu’entretient le Québec avec ses professionnels de la santé. En ouvrant le champ à l’accumulation privée du capital dans les années 1990, se met en place au sein de la fonction publique une philosophie politique issue du monde des affaires. Dès lors, le paradigme de la gouvernance investit les hôpitaux, où exerce 65 % de l’effectif infirmier québécois. Des chercheurs ont investigué les contraintes et torts subis par les infirmières consécutivement à la restructuration du système de santé, cependant, peu d’entre eux ont tenu compte des rapports de force et des structures de pouvoir dans lesquels s’enracine le vécu des infirmières. La présente étude a pour but d’explorer les expériences vécues d’infirmières soignantes politiquement engagées qui exercent en centre hospitalier (CH), de rendre compte de l’ordre social existant au sein de cette institution, de décrire la façon dont elles aimeraient idéalement exercer et de répertorier les idées qu’elles ont et les actions qu’elles mettent en place individuellement ou collectivement de façon à favoriser la transformation de l’ordre social et de l’exercice infirmier en CH. Épistémologiquement, notre étude qualitative s’inscrit dans cette idée que la réalité est complexe, mouvante et dépendante de la perception des personnes, proposant une orientation compréhensive et contextualisée de l’action humaine et du politique; c’est ainsi que le point de vue politique des infirmières participantes est pris en compte. L’articulation des expériences vécues, de l’idéal normatif et de l’action politique des participantes est explorée suivant une perspective postmoderniste, praxéologique et dialectique issue de la théorie critique qui réfléchit non seulement sur ce qui est, mais également sur ce qui est souhaitable; une réflexion qui sous certaines conditions s’ouvre sur l’action transformatrice. Les notions de pouvoir, de rapport de force, de résistance et d’émancipation influencent notre analyse. Au terme de cette étude, les résultats indiquent la présence d’une déprofessionnalisation graduelle en faveur d’une technicisation du soin infirmier et d’une dérive autoritaire grandissante au sein des CH s’arrimant au registre sémantique de l’économie de marché à partir des notions d’efficacité, de performance et d’optimisation. Les infirmières soignantes perçues comme des « automates performants » se voient exclues des processus décisionnels, ce qui les prive de leurs libertés de s’exprimer et de se faire critiques devant ce qui a été convenu par ceux qui occupent les hautes hiérarchies du pouvoir hospitalier et qui déterminent à leur place la façon dont s’articule l’exercice infirmier. Le pouvoir disciplinaire hospitalier, par l’entremise de technologies politiques comme la surveillance continue, les représailles et la peur, la technicisation du soin et le temps supplémentaire obligatoire, concourt à la subjectivation des infirmières soignantes, en minimisant l’importance de leur jugement clinique, en affaiblissant la solidarité collective et en mettant au pas l’organisation syndicale, ce qui détournent ces infirmières de la revendication de leurs droits et idéaux d’émancipation les ramenant à une position subalterne. Nos résultats indiquent que les actions politiques que les participantes souhaitent déployer au sein des CH visent l’humanisation des soins et l’autodétermination professionnelle. Toutefois, nombre des actions répertoriées avaient pour finalité fonctionnelle la protection et la survie des infirmières au sein d’un dispositif hospitalier déshumanisant. Certaines infirmières soignantes s’objectent en conscience, déploient des actions de non-coopération individuelles et collectives, font preuve d’actes de désobéissance civile ou souhaitent agir en ce sens pour établir un rapport de force nécessaire à la prise en compte de leurs revendications par une gouvernance hospitalière qui autrement ferait la sourde oreille. Le pouvoir exercé de façon hostile par la gouvernance hospitalière doit à notre avis être contrecarré par une force infirmière collective égale ou supérieure, sans quoi les politiques qui lui sont associées continueront de leur être imposées. Le renouvellement radical de la démocratie hospitalière apparaît comme la finalité centrale vers laquelle doivent s’articuler les actions infirmières collectives qui permettront l’établissement d’un nouveau rapport de force puisque c’est à partir de celle-ci que les infirmières soignantes pourront débattre de l’orientation que doit prendre l’exercice infirmier.
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La pratique des droits de l'homme est souvent décrite comme une entreprise qui vise à établir des standards minimaux pour guider l'action des États et des individus. Dans cet article, je tente de remettre en question la position minimaliste défendue par deux auteurs, James Nickel et James Griffin, en défendant une thèse selon laquelle la philosophie et la morale ne devraient pas être limitées par la pratique et les circonstances du monde. Sans apporter une réponse précise à la question de la faisabilité des droits de l'homme tels qu'on les connaît, je soutiens que le minimalisme défendu par Griffin et Nickel n'est pas nécessaire, ni souhaitable, dans la lutte pour la défense des droits de l'homme, lutte dans laquelle la philosophie a un rôle de premier ordre à jouer.
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Human rights are the basic rights of every individual against the state or any other public authority as a member of the human family irrespective of any other consideration. Thus every individual of the society has the inherent right to be treated with dignity in all situations including arrest and keeping in custody by the police. Rights of an individual in police custody are protected basically by the Indian Constitution and by various other laws like Code of Criminal Procedure, Evidence Act, Indian Penal Code and Protection of Human Rights Act. The term `custody' is defined neither in procedural nor in substantive laws. The word custody means protective care. The expression `police custody' as used in sec. 27 of Evidence Act does not necessarily mean formal arrest. In India with special reference to Kerala and evolution and development of the concept of human rights and various kinds of human rights violations in police custody in different stages of history. Human rights activists and various voluntary organisations reveals that there are so many factors contributing towards the causes of violations of human rights by police. Sociological causes like ambivalent outlook of the society with respect to the use of third degree methods by the police, economic causes like meager salary and inadequate living conditions, rampant corruption in police service, unnecessary political interference in the crime investigation, work load of police personnel without any time limit and periodic holidays, unnecessary pressure from superior police officers and the general public for speedy detection causing great mental strain to the investigating officers, defective system of recruitment and training, imperfect system of investigation and lack of public co-operation are some of the factors identified in the field survey towards the causes of violations of human rights in police custody.
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This thesis is an attempt to explore the problems faced by Indian Women and to examine the ways in which the human rights of women could be better protected in the light of international movements with special reference to national legislation and judicial decisions.The evolution of human rights from early period to Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 1948 is traced in the first chapter. The second chapter deals with the evolution of human rights in India. The evolution of fundamental rights and directive principles and the role played by the Indian Judiciary in enforcing the human rights enumerated in various international instruments dealing with human rights are also dealt with in this chapter. The rights guaranteed to women under the various international documents have been dealt with in the third chapter.It is noticed that the international documents have had their impact in India leading to creation of machinery for protection of human rights. Organised violations of women's rights such as prostitution, devadasi system, domestic violence, sexual harassment at workplaces, the evil of dowry, female infanticide etc. have been analysed in the light of existing laws and decisional jurisprudence in the fourth chapter. The fifth chapter analyses the decisions and consensus that emerged from the world conferences on women and their impact on the Indian Society and Judiciary. The constitutional provisions and legislative provisions protecting the rights of women have been critically examined in the sixth chapter. Chapter seven deals with various mechanisms evolved to protect the human rights of women. The eighth chapter contains conclusions and suggestions.
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School of Legal Studies, Cochin University of Science and Technology
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This thesis entitled “ Educational rights of the minorities under article 30 of the indian constitution.The study is divided into nine chapters.The object of the present study is to explore whether the judiciary has been successful in balancing the conflicting rights of the minorities and the state. The study also seeks to bring forth those judicial principles which have governed the operation of these rights and determined the limits of their application. Article 30 confers a special right on minorities to establish educational institutions of their own choice.This is an expression of the liberal and tolerent culture of our nation which is reflected in the Constitution. The idea is to foster unity' in diversity, ea unique characteristic of the Indian way of life.This study suggested that where a minority is a minority’ in the historical or national context and its claim is based on religion it must be defined and ascertained in terms of the population of the whole country irrespective of its being a numerical majority' in any particular State and the minority status. of linguistic group has to be ascertained in terms of the population of any particular State irrespective of its being a numerical minority in terms of the population of the whole country.A religious denomination also can be treated as a religion within the meaning of Article 30(1) provided it is having a separate organisation with doctrines and tenets and rites and practices of its own.
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This thesis entitled Exceptions and limitations to intellectual property rights with special reference to patent and copyright law.The study on the limitations and exceptions to copyright and patent was mainly characterized by its diversity and flexibility. The unique feature of limited monopoly appended to intellectual property was always a matter of wide controversy.The historical analysis substantiated this instrumentalist philosophy of intellectual property.the study from a legal space characterized by diversity and flexibility and end up in that legal space being characterized by homogeneity and standardization. The issue of flexibility and restrictiveness in the context of TRIPS is the next challenging task. Before devising flexibility to TST, the question to be answered is whether such a mechanism is desirable in the context of TRIPS.In conclusion it is submitted to reorient the intellectual property framework in the context of the noble public interest objectives.
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Imprisonment is the most common method of punishment resorted to by almost all legal systems.The new theories of crime causation propounded in the latter half of the nineteenth century gave rise to the feeling that the prisons could be used as appropriate institutions for reforming the offenders. It called for individualisation of punishment.As a result of international movements for humanisation of prisons the judiciary' in tine common law countries started taking active interest in prisoner's treatment.Various studies reveal that much has been done in America to improve the lot of prisoners and to treat them as human beings.The courts there have gone to the extent of saying that there is no iron curtain between a prisoner and the constitution. Most of the rights available to citizens except those which they cannot enjoy due to the conditions of incarceration have also been granted to prisoner.In India also the judiciary has come forward to protect the rights of the prisoners.Maneka Gandhi is a turning point in prisoner's rights.The repeated intervention of courts in prison administration project the view that prisoners have been denied the basic human rights.The High Courts and the Supreme Court of India have been gradually exercising jurisdiction ixl assuming prison justice, including improving the quality of food and amenities, payment of wages and appropriate standards of medical care. Access to courts must be made easier to the aggrieved prisoners.The government should come forward along with some public spirited citizens and voluntary organisations to form a "discharged prisoner“ aid society. The society should exploit opportunities for rehabilitation of prisoners after their release.Most of the prison buildings in the State of Kerala are ill-equipped, ill furnished and without proper ventilation or sanitation and with insufficient water supply arrangements.In India prisoners and prisons today are governed by the old central legislations like Prisons Act l894 Prisoners Act 1900 and the Transfer of Prisoners Act 1950.
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India is a signatory to the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights 1948 and the International Covenant on Civil and Political 1966, the two major International instruments, building the foundations of the major democracies and the constitutions of the world. Both these instruments give an independent and upper position to right to privacy compared to right to freedom of speech and expression. The freedom of press finds its place under this right to freedom of speech and expression. Both these rights are the two opposite faces of the same coin. Therefore, without the right of privacy finding an equal place in Indian law compared to right to freedom of speech and expression, the working of democracy would be severely handicapped and violations against citizens rights will be on the rise It was this problem in law and need to bring a balance between these two conflicting rights that induced me to undertake this venture. This heavy burden to bring in a mechanism to balance these two rights culminated in me to undertake this thesis titled “Right to Privacy and Freedom of Press – Conflicts and Challenges
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Domestic violence is a gender based violation of human rights having multi- dimensional repercussions in the well- being of individuals in family and society. The Indian legislation to protect the women from domestic violence is significant in providing a mechanism for enforcing positive civil rights of protection and injunction orders to the victims of domestic violence along with the existing remedies of criminal sanctions. However the Act was brought in the backdrop of an established tradition of cohesive and stable family setting. This, in turn, results in the emergence of new issues and challenges which necessitates deeper understandings of indigenous sociocultural institutions in India i.e., marriage and family. This study is an attempt to analyse the Indian law on domestic violence and to assess whether the law addresses and answers the problems of domestic violence effectively in the culture specific setting of India
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Given a graph G and a set X ⊆ V(G), the relative Wiener index of X in G is defined as WX (G) = {u,v}∈X 2 dG(u, v) . The graphs G (of even order) in which for every partition V(G) = V1 +V2 of the vertex set V(G) such that |V1| = |V2| we haveWV1 (G) = WV2 (G) are called equal opportunity graphs. In this note we prove that a graph G of even order is an equal opportunity graph if and only if it is a distance-balanced graph. The latter graphs are known by several characteristic properties, for instance, they are precisely the graphs G in which all vertices u ∈ V(G) have the same total distance DG(u) = v∈V(G) dG(u, v). Some related problems are posed along the way, and the so-called Wiener game is introduced.
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The working paper’s main objective is to explore the extent to which non-compliance to international labor rights is caused by global competition. From the perspective of institutional economics, compliance with core labor rights is beneficial for sustainable development. Nonetheless, violations of these rights occur on a massive scale. The violators usually blame competitive pressures. A number of studies have come to the conclusion that non-compliance does not provide for a competitive edge, thereby denying any economic rationale for non-compliance. While we sympathize with this conclusion, we find that these studies suffer from faulty assumptions in the design of their regression analyses. The assumption of perfect markets devoid of power relations is particularly unrealistic. While workers' rights promise long-term benefits, they may incur short-term production cost increases. On the supply side, the production sites with the highest amount of labor rights violations are characterized by a near perfect competitive situation. The demand side, however, is dominated by an oligopoly of brand name companies and large retailers. Facing a large pool of suppliers, these companies enjoy more bargaining power. Developing countries, the hosts to most of these suppliers, are therefore limited in their ability to raise labor standards on their own. This competitive situation, however, is the very reason why labor rights have to be negotiated internationally. Our exploration starts with an outline of the institutionalist argument of the benefits of core labor rights. Second, we briefly examine some cross-country empirical studies on the impact of trade liberalization (as a proxy for competitive pressures). Third, we develop our own argument which differentiates the impact of trade liberalization along the axes of labor- and capital-intensive production as well as low and medium skill production. Finally, we present evidence from a study on the impact of trade liberalization in Indonesia on the garment industry as an example of a low skill, laborintensive industry on the one hand, and the automobile as an example for a medium skill, capital-intensive industry on the other hand. Because the garment industry’s workforce consists mainly of women, we also discuss the gender dimension of trade liberalization.