Implications of the shift in United States farm policy

Includes bibliography

The United States, Central America, Dominican Republic free trade agreement (CAFTA)

Includes bibliography

The United States and Latin America and the Caribbean: highlights of economy and trade

Document prepared on the occasion of the visit of President Barack Obama to Brazil, Chile and El Salvador in March 2011

Non-State United States Support For The Contras During The Reagan Era

Under President Ronald Reagan, the White House pursued a complex foreign policy towards the Contras, rebels in trying to overthrow the Sandinista regime in Nicaragua, in Nicaragua. In 1979, the leftist Sandinista government seized power in Nicaragua. The loss of the previous pro-United States Somoza military dictatorship deeply troubled the conservatives, for whom eradication of communism internationally was a top foreign policy goal. Consequently, the Reagan Administration sought to redress the policy of his predecessor, Jimmy Carter, and assume a hard line stance against leftist regimes in Central America. Reagan and the conservatives within his administration, therefore, supported the Contra through military arms, humanitarian aid, and financial contributions. This intervention in Nicaragua, however, failed to garner popular support from American citizens and Democrats. Consequently, between 1982 and 1984 Congress prohibited further funding to the Contras in a series of legislation called the Boland Amendments. These Amendments barred any military aid from reaching the Contras, including through intelligence agencies. Shortly after their passage, Central Intelligence Agency Director William Casey and influential members of Reagan¿s National Security Council (NSC) including National Security Advisor Robert McFarlane, NSC Aide Oliver North, and Deputy National Security Advisor John Poindexter cooperated to identify and exploit loopholes in the legislation. By recognizing the NSC as a non-intelligence body, these masterminds orchestrated a scheme in which third parties, including foreign countries and private donors, contributed both financially and through arms donations to sustain the Contras independently of Congressional oversight. This thesis explores the mechanism and process of soliciting donations from private individuals, recognizing the forces and actors that created a situation for covert action to continue without detection. Oliver North, the main actor of the state, worked within his role as an NSC bureaucrat to network with influential politicians and private individuals to execute the orders of his superiors and shape foreign policy. Although Reagan articulated his desire for the Contras to remain a military presence in Nicaragua, he delegated the details of policy to his subordinates, which allowed this scheme to flourish. Second, this thesis explores the individual donors, analyzing their role as private citizens in sustaining and encouraging the policy of the Reagan Administration. The Contra movement found non-state support from followers of the New Right, demonstrated through financial and organizational assistance, that allowed the Reagan Administration¿s statistically unpopular policy in Nicaragua to continue. I interpret these donors as politically involved, but politically philanthropic, individuals, donating to their charity of choice to further the principles of American freedom internationally in a Cold War environment. The thesis then proceeds to assess the balance of power between the executive and other political actors in shaping policy, concluding that the executive cannot act alone in the formulation and implementation of foreign policy.

Where Is "Home"? Value Conflicts, Identity Crises and the Formation of Cosmopolitan Identity in Myanmar Students Studying in the United States

Fully engaging in a new culture means translating oneself into a different set of cultural values, and many of the values can be foreign to the individual. The individual may face conflicting tensions between the psychological need to be a part of the new society and feelings of guilt or betrayal towards the former society, culture or self. Many international students from Myanmar, most of whom have little international experience, undergo this value and cultural translation during their time in American colleges. It is commonly assumed that something will be lost in the process of translation and that the students become more Westernized or never fit into both Myanmar and US cultures. However, the study of the narratives of the Myanmar students studying in the US reveals a more complex reality. Because individuals have multifaceted identities and many cultures and subcultures are fluctuating and intertwined with one another, the students¿ cross-cultural interactions can also help them acquire new ways of seeing things. Through their struggle to engage in the US college culture, many students display the theory of ¿cosmopolitanism¿ in their transformative identity formation process and thus, define and identify themselves beyond one set of cultural norms.

Genome Sequences of Two Klebsiella pneumoniae Isolates from Different Geographical Regions, Argentina (Strain JHCK1) and the United States (Strain VA360)

We report the sequences of two Klebsiella pneumoniae clinical isolates, strains JHCK1 and VA360, from a newborn with meningitis in Buenos Aires, Argentina, and from a tertiary care medical center in Cleveland, OH, respectively. Both isolates contain one chromosome and at least five plasmids; isolate VA360 contains the Klebsiella pneumoniae carbapenemase (KPC) gene

The Jews in the United States, 1927 : a study of their number and distribution

by Harry S. Linfield

Representing Afghanistan: The United States and Democracy's Imposition

There is an ongoing mission in Afghanistan; a mission driven by external political forces. At its core this mission hopes to establish peace, to protect the populace, and to install democracy. Each of these goals has remained just that, a goal, for the past eight years as the American and international mission in Afghanistan has enjoyed varied levels of commitment. Currently, the stagnant progress in Afghanistan has led the international community to become increasingly concerned about the viability of a future Afghan state. Most of these questions take root in the question over whether or not an Afghan state can function without the auspices of international terrorism. Inevitably, the normative question of what exactly that government should be arises from this base concern. In formulating a response to this question, the consensus of western society has been to install representative democracy. This answer has been a recurring theme in the post Cold War era as states such as Bosnia and Somalia bear witness to the ill effects of external democratic imposition. I hypothesize that the current mold of externally driven state-building is unlikely to result in what western actors seek it to establish: representative democracy. By primarily examining the current situation in Afghanistan, I claim that external installation of representative democracy is modally flawed in that its process mandates choice. Representative democracy by definition constitutes a government reflective of its people, or electorate. Thus, freedom of choice is necessary for a functional representative democracy. From this, one can deduce that because an essential function of democracy is choice, its implementation lies with the presence of choice. State-building is an imposition that eliminates that necessary ingredient. The two stand as polar opposites that cannot effectively collaborate. Security, governing capacity, and development have all been targeted as measurements of success in Afghanistan. The three factors are generally seen as mutually constitutive; so improved security is seen as improving governing capacity. Thus, the recent resurgence of the Taliban in Afghanistan and a deteriorating security environment moving forward has demonstrated the inability of the Afghan government to govern. The primary reason for the Afghan government’s deficiencies is its lack of legitimacy among its constituency. Even the use of the term ‘constituency’ must be qualified because the Afghan government has often oscillated between serving the people within its territorial borders and the international community. The existence of the Afghan state is so dependent on foreign aid and intervention that it has lost policy-making and enforcing power. This is evident by the inability of Afghanistan to engage in basic sovereign state activities as maintaining a national budget, conducting elections, providing for its own national security, and deterring criminality. The Afghan state is nothing more than a shell of a government, and indicative of the failings that external state-building has with establishing democracy.

Splitsville: A Study of Income Inequality and Political Polarization in the United States House of Representatives

The study compares a measure of income inequality with polarization scores of U.S. Representatives from the 104th to the 109th Congresses. It attempts to explain the link, on the abstract level, between high inequality and high polarization. The end findings indicate that inequality increases a Representative's likelihood to act liberally.

Colorectal cancer screening: Racial/ethnic and gender disparities in a population-based cross-sectional analysis of the United States

Gender and racial/ethnic disparities in colorectal cancer screening (CRC) has been observed and associated with income status, education level, treatment and late diagnosis. According to the American Cancer Society, among both males and females, CRC is the third most frequently diagnosed type of cancer and accounts for 10% of cancer deaths in the United States. Differences in CRC test use have been documented and limited to access to health care, demographics and health behaviors, but few studies have examined the correlates of CRC screening test use by gender. This present study examined the prevalence of CRC screening test use and assessed whether disparities are explained by gender and racial/ethnic differences. To assess these associations, the study utilized a cross-sectional design and examined the distribution of the covariates for gender and racial/ethnic group differences using the chi square statistic. Logistic regression was used to estimate the prevalence odds ratio and to adjust for the confounding effects of the covariates. ^ Results indicated there are disparities in the use of CRC screening test use and there were statistically significant difference in the prevalence for both FOBT and endoscopy screening between gender, χ2, p≤0.003. Females had a lower prevalence of endoscopy colorectal cancer screening than males when adjusting for age and education (OR 0.88, 95% CI 0.82–0.95). However, no statistically significant difference was reported between racial/ethnic groups, χ 2 p≤0.179 after adjusting for age, education and gender. For both FOBT and endoscopy screening Non-Hispanic Blacks and Hispanics had a lower prevalence of screening compared with Non-Hispanic Whites. In the multivariable regression model, the gender disparities could largely be explained by age, income status, education level, and marital status. Overall, individuals between the age "70–79" years old, were married, with some college education and income greater than $20,000 were associated with a higher prevalence of colorectal cancer screening test use within gender and racial/ethnic groups. ^

The medical malpractice insurance "crises" and federal medical malpractice tort reform: Collection and analysis of bills passed by the United States House of Representatives from 1995--2005

There have been three medical malpractice insurance "crises" in the United States over a time spanning roughly the past three decades (Poisson, 2004, p. 759-760). Each crisis is characterized by a number of common features, including rapidly increasing medical malpractice insurance premiums, cancellation of existing insurance policies, and a decreased willingness of insurers to offer or renew medical malpractice insurance policies (Poisson, 2004, p. 759-760). Given the recurrent "crises," many sources argue that medical malpractice insurance coverage has become too expensive a commodity—one that many physicians simply cannot afford (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services [HHS], 2002, p. 1-2; Physician Insurers Association of America [PIAA], 2003, p. 1; Jackiw, 2004, p. 506; Glassman, 2004, p. 417; Padget, 2003, p. 216). ^ The prohibitively high cost of medical liability insurance is said to limit the geographical areas and medical specializations in which physicians are willing to practice. As a result, the high costs of medical liability insurance are ultimately said to affect whether or not people have access to health care services. ^ In an effort to control the medical liability insurance crises—and to preserve or restore peoples' access to health care—every state in the United States has passed "at least some laws designed to reduce medical malpractice premium rates" (GAO, 2003, p.5-6). More recently, however, the United States has witnessed a push to implement federal reform of the medical malpractice tort system. Accordingly, this project focuses on federal medical malpractice tort reform. This project was designed to investigate the following specific question: Do the federal medical malpractice tort reform bills which passed in the House of Representatives between 1995 and 2005 differ in respect to their principle features? To answer this question, the text of the bills, law review articles, and reports from government and private agencies were analyzed. Further, a matrix was compiled to concisely summarize the principle features of the proposed federal medical malpractice tort reform bills. Insight gleaned from this investigation and matrix compilation informs discussion about the potential ramifications of enacting federal medical malpractice tort reform legislation. ^

The effect of immigration status on racial differences in health insurance coverage, access to care, and utilization in the United States

Background. Lack of coverage, lack of access, and failure to utilize health care services have all been linked to dismal health outcomes in the US. Such consequences have been a longstanding challenge that US minorities are faced with, in the context of a health care system believed to be lacking efficiency and equity. National population surveys in the US suggest that the number of uninsured approaches 50 millions, while some concerns and suspicions are raised by opponents to the growing number of foreign born US residents, many of whom are Hispanic. Research shows that race is a significant predictor of lack of coverage, access, and utilization, while age, gender, education, and income are also linked to these outcomes. We investigated the potential effect of immigration status or duration in the US on the association between coverage, access, use, and race. Methods. Using National Health Interview Survey (NHIS) data of 2006, we selected 22, 667 individuals of Non-Hispanic Black, Hispanic, and Non-Hispanic White descent, at least 18 years of age, US-born and foreign-born who reported their duration of residence in the US. Through complex sample survey logistic regression analysis, we computed odds ratios, beta coefficients, and 95% confidence intervals using models which excluded then included immigration status. Results. Although a significant predictor of the outcomes, immigration status did not change the relationship between each of the dependent variables (coverage, access, utilization), and the factor race, while adjusting for age, gender, education, and income. Our results show that Hispanics were least likely to have coverage (OR=.58; 95% CI[.49, .68]), access (OR=.62; 95% CI[.50, .76]), and to utilize services (OR=.60; 95% CI[.46, .79]) followed by Non-Hispanic Blacks, and Non-Hispanic Whites. These results were not changed by stratification, or the inclusion of interaction terms to eliminate the potential effect of relationships between independent variables. Recent immigrants (<5 years in US) were 0.12 times less likely to be insured, but also 0.26 times less likely to utilize services (p<0.001), and in addition they represented only 7.3% of the uninsured and 1.9% of the US population in 2006. Furthermore, 12% of the Non-Hispanic White population in the US was not covered, and 65% of the uninsured individuals were US-Born Citizens. Other predictors of lack of coverage, access and use were age below 45, male gender, education at high school or below, and income of less than $20,000. Conclusion. This investigation shows that the high percentage of uninsured was not directly caused by Hispanics, and immigration status alone could not explain racial differences in coverage, access, and utilization. An immigration reform may not be the solution to the healthcare crisis, and more specifically, will not stop the increase in the number of uninsured in the US, nor reduce the cost of health care. As a better alternative, universal health insu rance coverage should be considered, when aiming to eliminate racial disparities, and to solve the health care crisis. ^ Keywords. health insurance, coverage, access, utilization, race, immigration, disparities.^

Latino perceptions of and barriers to preventive healthcare maintenance in the southwest United States

Between the 1990 and 2000 Censuses, the Latino population accounted for 40% of the increase in the nation’s total population. The growing population of Latinos underscores the importance for understanding factors that influence whether and how Latinos take care of their health. According to the U.S. Department of Human Health Service’s Office of Minority Health (OMH), Latinos are at greater risk for health disparities (2003). Factors such as lack of health insurance and access to preventive care play a major role in limiting Latino use of primary health care (Institute of Medicine, 2005). Other significant barriers to preventive health care maintenance behaviors have been identified in current literature such as primary care physician interaction, self-perceived health status, and socio-cultural beliefs and traditions (Rojas-Guyler, King, Montieth and 2008; Meir, Medina, and Ory, 2007; Black, 1999). Despite these studies, there remains less information regarding interpersonal perceptions, environmental dynamics and individual and cultural attitudes relevant to utilization of healthcare (Rojas-Guyler, King, Montieth and 2008; Aguirre-Molina, Molina and Zambrana, 2001). Understanding the perceptions of Latinos and the barriers to health care could directly affect healthcare delivery. Improved healthcare utilization among Latinos could reduce the long term health consequences of many preventable and manageable diseases. The purpose of this study was to explore Latino perceptions of U.S. health care and desired changes by Latinos in the U.S. healthcare system. The study had several objectives, including to explore perceived barriers to healthcare utilization and the resulting effects on health among Latinos, to describe culturally influenced attitudes about health care and use of health care services among Latinos, and to make recommendations for reducing disparities by improving healthcare and its utilization. The current study utilized data that were collected as part of a larger study to examine multidimensional, cross-cultural issues relevant to interactions between healthcare consumers and providers. Qualitative methods were used to analyze four Spanish-language focus group transcripts to interpret cultural influences on perceptions and beliefs among Latinos. Direct coding of transcript content was carried out by two reviewers, who conducted independent reviews of each transcript. Team members developed and refined thematic categories, positive and negative cases, and example text segments for each theme and sub-theme. Incongruities of interpretations were resolved through extensive discussion. Study participants included 44 self-identified Latino adults (16 male, 28 female) between age 18 and 64 years. Thirty seven (84.1%) of the participants were immigrants. The study population comprised eight ethnic subgroups. While 31% of the participants reported being employed on a full-time basis, only 18.4% had medical insurance that was private or employee sponsored. Five major themes regarding the perceptions and healthcare utilization behaviors of Latinos were consistent across all focus groups and were identified during the analysis. These were: (1) healthcare utilization, experience, and access; (2) organizational and institutional systems; (3) communication and interpersonal interactions between healthcare provider, staff, and patient; (4) Latinos’ perception of their own health status; (5) cultural influences on healthcare utilization, which included an innovation termed culturally-bound locus of control. Healthcare utilization was directly influenced by healthcare experience, access, current health status, and cultural factors and indirectly influenced by organizational systems. There was a strong interdependence among the main themes. The ability to communicate and interact effectively with healthcare providers and navigate healthcare systems (organizational and institutional access) significantly influenced the participant’s health care experience, most often (indirectly) impacting utilization negatively. ^ Research such as this can help to identify those perceptions and attitudes held by Latinos concerning utilization or underutilization of healthcare systems. These data suggest that for healthcare utilization to improve among Latinos, healthcare systems must create more culturally competent environments by providing better language services at the organizational level and more culturally sensitive providers at the interpersonal level. Better understanding of the complex interactions between these impediments can aid intervention developments, and help health providers and researchers in determining appropriate, adequate, and effective measurers of care to better increase overall health of Latinos.^

A survey of statural changes with age in the adult population of the United States

A study of the patterns of height loss with age in the Anglo, black, and Mexican-American populations of the United States has been undertaken. The study was based on data gathered by the United States Public Health Service in the Second National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey and the Hispanic Health and Nutrition Examination Survey. Estimates of height loss were obtained by subtracting present stature from a calculated maximum attained height derived from sex- and race/ethnic-specific regression equations relating stature to subischial length. Anglo women have greater height losses than Anglo, black, or Mexican-American males, and black or Mexican-American females. Between 24 and 74 years of age, Anglo women average 3.8 cm. loss in stature. The black populations lose less height than Anglos or Mexican-Americans. Mexican-Americans lose less height than Anglos from 24 to 54 years and then have a greatly increased height loss so that by age 74 their total height loss is the same as Anglos. Standing height, sitting height, body mass index, and the Poverty Index were found to be negatively correlated with height loss. Age was positively correlated to height loss. The most important determinants of the magnitude of height loss with age were sex and ethnicity. ^

ECONOMIC ANALYSIS OF THE DEMAND FOR PRESCRIPTION MEDICINE IN THE UNITED STATES

The purpose of this study was to understand the role of principle economic, sociodemographic and health status factors in determining the likelihood and volume of prescription drug use. Econometric demand regression models were developed for this purpose. Ten explanatory variables were examined: family income, coinsurance rate, age, sex, race, household head education level, size of family, health status, number of medical visits, and type of provider seen during medical visits. The economic factors (family income and coinsurance) were given special emphasis in this study.^ The National Medical Care Utilization and Expenditure Survey (NMCUES) was the data source. The sample represented the civilian, noninstitutionalized residents of the United States in 1980. The sample method used in the survey was a stratified four-stage, area probability design. The sample was comprised of 6,600 households (17,123 individuals). The weighted sample provided the population estimates used in the analysis. Five repeated interviews were conducted with each household. The household survey provided detailed information on the United States health status, pattern of health care utilization, charges for services received, and methods of payments for 1980.^ The study provided evidence that economic factors influenced the use of prescription drugs, but the use was not highly responsive to family income and coinsurance for the levels examined. The elasticities for family income ranged from -.0002 to -.013 and coinsurance ranged from -.174 to -.108. Income has a greater influence on the likelihood of prescription drug use, and coinsurance rates had an impact on the amount spent on prescription drugs. The coinsurance effect was not examined for the likelihood of drug use due to limitations in the measurement of coinsurance. Health status appeared to overwhelm any effects which may be attributed to family income or coinsurance. The likelihood of prescription drug use was highly dependent on visits to medical providers. The volume of prescription drug use was highly dependent on the health status, age, and whether or not the individual saw a general practitioner. ^