969 resultados para Identity discourse


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Two complementary explanations have been offered by social psychologists to account for the universal hold of national identity, first that national identity is ideologically assumed, as it forms the ‘banal’ background of everyday life, and second that national identity is ‘hotly’ constructed and contested in political and everyday settings to great effect. However, ‘banal’ and ‘hot’ aspects of national identity have been found to be distributed unevenly across national and subnational groups and banality itself can be strategically used to distinguish between different groups. The present paper develops these ideas by examining possible reasons for these different modes and strategies of identity expression. Drawing upon intergroup theories of minority and majority relations, we examine how a group who see themselves unequivocally as a minority, Irish Travellers, talk about their national identity in comparison to an age and gender-matched sample of Irish students. We find that Travellers proactively display and claim ‘hot’ national identity in order to establish their Irishness. Irish students ‘do banality’, police the boundaries and reputation of Irishness, and actively reject and disparage proactive displays of Irishness. The implications for discursive understandings of identity, the study of intra-national group relations and policies of minority inclusion are discussed.

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The Self Categorization approach to national leadership proposes that leaders rhetorically construct national identity as essentialized and inevitable in order to consensualize and mobilize the population. In contrast, discursive studies have demonstrated how national politicians flexibly construct the nation to manage their own accountability in local interactions, though this in turn has neglected broader leadership processes. The present paper brings both approaches together to examine how and when national politicians construct versions of national identity in order to account for their failure as well as success in mobilizing the electorate. Eight semi-structured conversational style interviews were conducted with a strategic sample of eight leading Irish politicians on the subject of the 2008/2009 Irish Lisbon Treaty referenda. Using a Critical Discourse Psychology approach, the hegemonic repertoire of the ‘settled will’
of the informed and consensualized Irish nation was identified across all interviews. Politicians either endorsed the ‘settled will’ repertoire as evidence of their successful leadership, or rejected the repertoire by denying the rationality or unity of the populace to account for their failure. Our results suggest national identity is only constructed as essentialized and inevitable to the extent that it serves a strategic political purpose.

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Psychological research into national identity has considered both the banal quality of nationalism alongside the active, strategic construction of national categories and boundaries. Less attention has been paid to the conflict between these processes for those whose claims to national identity may be problematic. In the present study, focus groups were conducted with 36 Roman Catholic adolescents living in border regions of Ireland, in which participants were asked to talk about their own and others’ Irish national identity. Discursive analysis of the data revealed that those in the Republic of Ireland strategically displayed their national identity as obvious and ‘banal’, while those in Northern Ireland proactively claimed their Irishness. Moreover, those in Northern Ireland displayed an assumption that their fellow Irish in the Republic shared their imperative to assert national identity, while those in the Republic actively distanced themselves from this version of Irishness. These results suggest that for dominant ethnic groups, ‘banality’ may itself provide a marker of national identity while paradoxically the proactive display of national identity undermines minority groups claims to national identity.

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While Northern Ireland experiences relative peace and political stability, its violent past is normalized in murals and commemorations, the language and posturing of opposition politics, segregated communities and social life. In “post-conflict” Northern Ireland, children and youth disproportionately experience paramilitary-style attacks and routine sectarian violence. The violence of poverty and restricted opportunities within communities debilitated by three decades of conflict is masked by a discourse of social, economic and political progress. Drawing on qualitative research, this paper illustrates the continued legacy and impacts of violence on the lives of children and youth living in post-ceasefire Northern Ireland. It discusses the prominence of violence—sectarian, racist, political, “everyday,” domestic, “informal”—in young people's accounts and the impacts on their safety, sense of belonging, identity formation, use of space and emotional well-being. The paper concludes by challenging narrow and reductionist explanations of violence, arguing the need to contextualize these within local, historical, political, cultural and material contexts.

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Since the signing of the Northern Ireland peace agreement a plethora of community based prisoner self-help organisations have been established wherein former prisoners staff, manage and deliver services to colleagues. By forging and maintaining their collective identities through community based mutual aid, members of these self-help organisations have progressed to create not only individual change/assistance but have also developed and evolved to tackle serious wider social issues which impact on the members of their organisations. This article critically analyses how the conditions of a post conflict society can influence both the development and evolution of these organisations and also how members situate their claims about the self in the organisation and beyond. Using the social movement framework it is argued that the work of these self-help organisations have given rise to a new politics of identity … that is the ‘politically motivated’ ex-prisoner. ©2013 Taylor & Francis

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In consumer research, we frequently focus on the phenomenon of transformation, whether the transformatory effects of a particular consumption community or the great body of work being carried out under the banner of transformative consumer research. However, there is a particular transformation which occurs in the field of interpretivist consumer research that, we would argue, is overlooked—that of researcher transformation. We present as data our reflexive considerations on the ways in which our own research with vulnerable consumers has affected and changed us. We consider short-term transformations in the field, reflecting on the various ways that researcher identity is carefully managed and negotiated to fit with the social–cultural setting. We also consider longer term transformations and discuss the enduring impact of the research process—the people we have met, the homes we have visited, and the stories we have heard. By reflecting on the shaping of identities ‘in the field’, we aim to deepen our appreciation of the interpretive consumer research process and contribute to theoretical understanding of transformative identity research. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

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Community identities enhance well-being through the provision of social support and feelings of collective efficacy as well as by acting as a basis for collective action and social change. However, the precise mechanisms through which community identity acts to enhance well-being are complicated by stigmatisation which potentially undermines solidarity and collective action. The present research examines a real-world stigmatised community group in order to investigate: (1) the community identity factors that act to enhance well-being, and (2) the consequences of community identity for community action. Study 1 consisted of a household survey conducted in disadvantaged areas of Limerick city in Ireland. Participants (n=322) completed measures of community identification, social support, collective efficacy, community action, and psychological well-being. Mediation analysis indicated that perceptions of collective efficacy mediated the relationship between identification and well-being. However, levels of self-reported community action were low and unrelated to community identification. In Study 2, twelve follow–up multiple-participant interviews with residents and community group workers were thematically analysed, revealing high levels of stigmatisation and opposition to identity-related collective action. These findings suggest the potential for stigma to reduce collective action through undermining solidarity and social support.