927 resultados para Great Britain -- History -- 19th century
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Historians of Ireland have devoted considerable attention to the Presbyterian origins of modern Irish republicanism in the 1790s and their overwhelming support for the Union with Great Britain in the 1880s. On the one hand, it has been argued that conservative politics came to dominate nineteenth-century Presbyterianism in the form of Henry Cooke who combined conservative evangelical religion with support for the established order. On the other hand, historians have long acknowledged the continued importance of liberal and radical impulses amongst Presbyterians. Few historians of the nineteenth century have attempted to bring these two stories together and to describe the relationship between the religion and politics of Presbyterians along the lines suggested by scholars of Presbyterian radicalism in the last quarter of the eighteenth century. This article argues that a distinctive form of Presbyterian evangelicalism developed in the nineteenth century that sought to bring the denomination back to the theological and spiritual priorities of seventeenth-century Scottish and Irish Presbyterianism. By doing so, it encouraged many Presbyterians to get involved in movements for reform and liberal politics. Supporters of ‘Covenanter Politics’ utilised their denominational principles and traditions as the basis for political involvement and as a rhetoric of opposition to Anglican privilege and Catholic tyranny. These could be the prime cause of Presbyterian opposition to the infringement of their rights, such as the marriage controversy and the Disruption of the Church of Scotland in the early 1840s, and they could also be employed as a language of opposition in response to broader social and political developments, such as the demands for land reform stimulated by the agricultural depression that accompanied the Famine. Despite their opposition to ascendancy, however, the Covenanter Politics of Presbyterian Liberals predisposed them towards pan-protestant unionism against the threat of ‘Rome Rule’.
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Global climate changes during the Quaternary reveal much about broader evolutionary effects of environmental change. Detailed regional studies reveal how evolutionary lineages and novel communities and ecosystems, emerge through glacial bottlenecks or from refugia. There have been significant advances in benthic imaging and dating, particularly with respect to the movements of the British (Scottish) and Irish ice sheets and associated changes in sea level during and after the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM). Ireland has been isolated as an island for approximately twice as long as Britain with no evidence of any substantial, enduring land bridge between these islands after ca 15 kya. Recent biogeographical studies show that Britain's mammal community is akin to those of southern parts of Scandinavia, The Netherlands and Belgium, but the much lower mammal species richness of Ireland is unique and needs explanation. Here, we consider physiographic, archaeological, phylogeographical i.e. molecular genetic, and biological evidence comprising ecological, behavioural and morphological data, to review how mammal species recolonized western Europe after the LGM with emphasis on Britain and, in particular, Ireland. We focus on why these close neighbours had such different mammal fauna in the early Holocene, the stability of ecosystems after LGM subject to climate change and later species introductions.
There is general concordance of archaeological and molecular genetic evidence where data allow some insight into history after the LGM. Phylogeography reveals the process of recolonization, e.g. with respect to source of colonizers and anthropogenic influence, whilst archaeological data reveal timing more precisely through carbon dating and stratigraphy. More representative samples and improved calibration of the ‘molecular clock’ will lead to further insights with regards to the influence of successive glaciations. Species showing greatest morphological, behavioural and ecological divergence in Ireland in comparison to Britain and continental Europe, were also those which arrived in Ireland very early in the Holocene either with or without the assistance of people. Cold tolerant mammal species recolonized quickly after LGM but disappeared, potentially as a result of a short period of rapid warming. Other early arrivals were less cold tolerant and succumbed to the colder conditions during the Younger Dryas or shortly after the start of the Holocene (11.5 kya), or the area of suitable habitat was insufficient to sustain a viable population especially in larger species. Late Pleistocene mammals in Ireland were restricted to those able to colonize up to ca 15 kya, probably originating from adjacent areas of unglaciated Britain and land now below sea level, to the south and west (of Ireland). These few, early colonizers retain genetic diversity which dates from before the LGM. Late Pleistocene Ireland, therefore, had a much depleted complement of mammal species in comparison to Britain.
Mammal species, colonising predominantly from southeast and east Europe occupied west Europe only as far as Britain between ca 15 and 8 kya, were excluded from Ireland by the Irish and Celtic Seas. Smaller species in particular failed to colonise Ireland. Britain being isolated as an island from ca. 8 kya has similar species richness and composition to adjacent lowland areas of northwest continental Europe and its mammals almost all show strongest genetic affinity to populations in neighbouring continental Europe with a few retaining genotypes associated with earlier, western lineages.
The role of people in the deliberate introduction of mammal species and distinct genotypes is much more significant with regards to Ireland than Britain reflecting the larger species richness of the latter and its more enduring land link with continental Europe. The prime motivation of early people in moving mammals was likely to be resource driven but also potentially cultural; as elsewhere, people exploring uninhabited places introduced species for food and the materials they required to survive. It is possible that the process of introduction of mammals to Ireland commenced during the Mesolithic and accelerated with Neolithic people. Irish populations of these long established, introduced species show some unique genetic variation whilst retaining traces of their origins principally from Britain but in some cases, Scandinavia and Iberia. It is of particular interest that they may retain genetic forms now absent from their source populations. Further species introductions, during the Bronze and late Iron Ages, and Viking and Norman invasions, follow the same pattern but lack the time for genetic divergence from their source populations. Accidental introductions of commensal species show considerable genetic diversity based on numerous translocations along the eastern Atlantic coastline. More recent accidental and deliberate introductions are characterised by a lack of genetic diversity other than that explicable by more than one introduction.
The substantial advances in understanding the postglacial origins and genetic diversity of British and Irish mammals, the role of early people in species translocations, and determination of species that are more recently introduced, should inform policy decisions with regards to species and genetic conservation. Conservation should prioritise early, naturally recolonizing species and those brought in by early people reflecting their long association with these islands. These early arrivals in Britain and Ireland and associated islands show genetic diversity that may be of value in mitigating anthropogenic climate change across Europe. In contrast, more recent introductions are likely to disturb ecosystems greatly, lead to loss of diversity and should be controlled. This challenge is more severe in Ireland where the number and proportion of invasive species from the 19th century to the present has been greater than in Britain.
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We find that regional height levels around the world were fairly uniform throughout most of the 19th century, with two exceptions: above-average levels in Anglo-Saxon settlement regions and below-average levels in Southeast Asia. After 1880, substantial diver- gences began to differentiate other regions -- making the world population taller, but more unequal. During the late 19th century and 20th century, heights between world regions devi- ated significantly, when incomes also became very unequal. Interestingly, during the “breaking point period” between the two regimes, heights declined significantly in the cattle-rich New World countries, whereas they started to increase in Old Europe. We discuss in this study whether immigration was a core factor to influence the height decline in the “Anthropometric Decline of the Cowboy and Gaucho Empires”.
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This article examines hospital provision in Ireland during the early twentieth century. It examines attempts by the newly independent Irish Free State to reform and de-stigmatise medical relief in former workhouse infirmaries. Such reforms were designed to move away from nineteenth century welfare regimes which were underpinned by principles of deterrence. The reform initiated in independent Ireland - the first attempted break-up of the New Poor Law in Great Britain or Ireland - was partly successful. Many of the newly named County and District Hospitals provided solely for medical cases and managed to dissociate such health care provision from the relief of poverty. However, some hospitals continued to act as multifunctional institutions and provided for various categories including the sick, the aged and infirm, 'unmarried mothers' and 'harmless lunatics'. Such institutions often remained associated with the relief of poverty. This article also examines patient fee-payment and outlines how fresh terms of entitlement and means-testing were established. Such developments were even more pronounced in voluntary hospitals where the majority of patients made a financial contribution to their treatment. The article argues that the ability to pay at times determined the type of provision, either voluntary or rate-aided, available to the sick. However, it concludes that the clinical condition of patients often determined whether they entered a more prestigious voluntary hospital or the former workhouse. Although this article concentrates on two Irish case studies, County Kerry and Cork City; it is conceptualised within wider developments with particular reference to the British context.
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Tese de doutoramento, Estudos de Literatura e de Cultura (Estudos Ingleses), Universidade de Lisboa, Faculdade de Letras, 2014
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This article examines education reform under the first government of Northern Ireland (1921–5). This embryonic period offered the Ulster Unionist leadership a chance to construct a more inclusive society, one that might diminish sectarian animosities, and thereby secure the fledgling state through cooperation rather than coercion. Such aspirations were severely tested by the ruling party’s need to secure the state against insurgency, and, more lastingly, to assuage the concerns of its historic constituency. The former led to a draconian security policy, the latter to a dependency on populist strategies and rhetoric. It is argued here, however, that this dependency was not absolute until July 1925. Before that, the Belfast government withstood growing pressure from populist agitators to reverse controversial aspects of its education reforms, only relenting when Protestant disaffection threatened the unity of the governing party and the existence of the state.
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Review article of Carson’s Army: The Ulster Volunteer Force, 1910–22. By Timothy Bowman. Manchester University Press, Manchester, 2007. 256 pp. ISBN 0719073715, £55. A History of the Northern Ireland Labour Party: Democratic Socialism and Sectarianism. By Aaron Edwards. Manchester University Press, Manchester, 2009. xiii + 240 pp. ISBN 0719078741, £60. Catholic Belfast and Nationalist Ireland in the Era of Joe Devlin 1871–1934. By A.C. Hepburn. Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2008. xix +307 pp. ISBN 019929884X, £55. The Big House in the North of Ireland: Land, Power and Social Elites, 1878–1960. By Olwen Purdue. University College Dublin Press, Dublin, 2009. xv + 297 pp. ISBN 978-1-906359-25-6, £24.
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Cataloguing Kays is a university-run project intended to create a community web-archive to celebrate the history and public memory of Kay & Co Ltd of Worcester, a noted mailorder catalogue company which was, until 2006, the largest employer in Worcester. The Kays Archive, housed at UoW, is one of the most comprehensive archive collections of 20th century mail-order catalogues in the UK and has a strong local elevance. The catalogues provide a window into over 100 years of body image, social history, consumable goods, fashion and design. The Project Team created www.WorldofKays.org, an online, fully-searchable archive containing 1500 digitised images from the catalogues, 1920-2000. The website is intended to form a seed bed for international research, focussing in particular on the representation of body image and the way the catalogues represent the developing tropes of consumer lifestyle and aspiration. The images are enhanced by blog postings from or film and audio interviews with local residents and former Kays staff members, who recall how the goods were selected and presented; as well as the impact the mail-order industry had on shaping 20th century lifestyle and consumption. These interviews and blogs have been sourced through the Cataloguing Kays team’s outreach activity in the local, academic and online communities. From the outset, we, the Cataloguing Kays team, engaged with online communities through social media sites, Facebook and Twitter, and through specialist blogs and online forums, inviting comment and contributions. Through events for the general public and a programme of targeted community outreach work with Kays Heritage Group and support groups for Worcestershire’s young and adult carers, we have also collected filmed and audio reminiscence material as well as community art and poetry content for the website. Our academic conference, the Catalogue of Dreams, showcased both the website and the physical archive to the wider academic, cultural and heritage sectors, provoking lively debateand much interest from international scholars.
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During the interwar period (1919–1939), protagonists of the early New Zealand Olympic Committee (NZOC) worked to renegotiate and improve the country's international sporting participation and involvement in the International Olympic Committee. To this end, NZOC effectively used its locally based administrators and well-placed expatriates in Britain to variously assert the organization's nascent autonomy, independence and political power, progress Antipodean athlete's causes and counter any potential doubt about the nation's peripheral position in imperial sporting dialogues. Adding to the corpus of scholarship on New Zealand's ties and tribulations with imperial Britain, both in and beyond sport (e.g. Beilharz and Cox, 2007, “Settler Capitalism Revisited,” Thesis Eleven 88: 112–124; Belich, 2001, Paradise Reforged: A History of the New Zealanders from the 1880s to the Year 2000, Auckland: Allen Lane; Belich, 2007, Making Peoples: A History of the New Zealanders from Polynesian Settlement to the End of the Nineteenth Century, Auckland: The Penguin Group; Coombes, 2006, Rethinking Settler Colonialism: History and Memory in Australia, Canada, Aotearoa New Zealand and South Africa, Manchester: Manchester University Press; MacLean, 2010, “New Zealand (Aotearoa),” In Routledge Companion to Sports History, edited by Steve W. Pope and John Nauright, 510–525, London: Routledge; Phillips, 1984, “Rugby, War and the Mythology of the New Zealand Male,” The New Zealand Journal of History 18 (1): 83–103; Phillips, 1987, A Man's Country: The Image of the Pakeha Male, Auckland: Penguin Books; Ryan, 2004, The Making of New Zealand Cricket, 1832–1914, London: Frank Cass; Ryan, 2005, Tackling Rugby Myths: Rugby and New Zealand Society 1854–2004, Dunedin: University of Otago Press; Ryan, 2007, “Sport in 19th-Century Aotearoa/New Zealand: Opportunities and Constraints,” In Sport in Aotearoa/New Zealand Society, edited by Chris Collins and Steve Jackson, 96–111, Auckland: Thomson), I will examine how the political actions and strategic location of three key NZOC agents (specifically, administrator Harry Amos and expatriates Arthur Porritt and Jack Lovelock) worked in their own particular ways to assert the position of the organization within the global Olympic fraternity. I argue that the efforts of Amos, Porritt and Lovelock also concomitantly served to remind Commonwealth sporting colleagues (namely Britain and Australia) that New Zealand could not be characterized as, or relegated to being, a distal, subdued or subservient colonial sporting partner. Subsequently, I contend that NZOC's development during the interwar period, and particularly the utility of expatriate agents, can be contextualized against historiographical shifts that encourage us to rethink, reimagine and rework narratives of empire, colonization, national identity, commonwealth and belonging.
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Introduction The question of the meaning, methods and philosophical manifestations of history is currently rife with contention. The problem that I will address in an exposition of the thought of Wilhelm Dilthey and Martin Heidegger, centers around the intersubjectivity of an historical world. Specifically, there are two interconnected issues. First, since all knowledge occurs to a person from within his or her historical age how can any person in any age make truth claims? In order to answer this concern we must understand the essence and role of history. Yet how can we come to an individual understanding ofwhat history is when the meanings that we use are themselves historically enveloped? But can we, we who are well aware of the knowledge that archaeology has dredged up from old texts or even from 'living' monuments of past ages, really neglect to notice these artifacts that exist within and enrich our world? Charges of wilful blindness would arise if any attempt were made to suggest that certain things of our world did not come down to us from the past. Thus it appears more important 2 to determine what this 'past' is and therefore how history operates than to simply derail the possibility for historical understanding. Wilhelm Dilthey, the great German historicist from the 19th century, did not question the existence of historical artifacts as from the past, but in treating knowledge as one such artifact placed the onus on knowledge to show itself as true, or meaningful, in light ofthe fact that other historical periods relied on different facts and generated different truths or meanings. The problem for him was not just determining what the role of history is, but moreover to discover how knowledge could make any claim as true knowledge. As he stated, there is a problem of "historical anarchy"!' Martin Heidegger picked up these two strands of Dilthey's thought and wanted to answer the problem of truth and meaning in order to solve the problem of historicism. This problem underscored, perhaps for the first time, that societal presuppositions about the past and present oftheir era are not immutable. Penetrating to the core of the raison d'etre of the age was an historical reflection about the past which was now conceived as separated both temporally and attitudinally from the present. But further than this, Heidegger's focus on asking the question of the meaning of Being meant that history must be ontologically explicated not merely ontically treated. Heidegger hopes to remove barriers to a genuine ontology by II 1 3 including history into an assessment ofprevious philosophical systems. He does this in order that the question of Being be more fully explicated, which necessarily for him includes the question of the Being of history. One approach to the question ofwhat history is, given the information that we get from historical knowledge, is whether such knowledge can be formalized into a science. Additionally, we can approach the question of what the essence and role of history is by revealing its underlying characteristics, that is, by focussing on historicality. Thus we will begin with an expository look at Dilthey's conception of history and historicality. We will then explore these issues first in Heidegger's Being and Time, then in the third chapter his middle and later works. Finally, we shall examine how Heidegger's conception may reflect a development in the conception of historicality over Dilthey's historicism, and what such a conception means for a contemporary historical understanding. The problem of existing in a common world which is perceived only individually has been philosophically addressed in many forms. Escaping a pure subjectivist interpretation of 'reality' has occupied Western thinkers not only in order to discover metaphysical truths, but also to provide a foundation for politics and ethics. Many thinkers accept a solipsistic view as inevitable and reject attempts at justifying truth in an intersubjective world. The problem ofhistoricality raises similar problems. We 4 -. - - - - exist in a common historical age, presumably, yet are only aware ofthe historicity of the age through our own individual thoughts. Thus the question arises, do we actually exist within a common history or do we merely individually interpret this as communal? What is the reality of history, individual or communal? Dilthey answers this question by asserting a 'reality' to the historical age thus overcoming solipsism by encasing individual human experience within the historical horizon of the age. This however does nothing to address the epistemological concern over the discoverablity of truth. Heidegger, on the other hand, rejects a metaphysical construel of history and seeks to ground history first within the ontology ofDasein, and second, within the so called "sending" of Being. Thus there can be no solipsism for Heidegger because Dasein's Being is necessarily "cohistorical", Being-with-Others, and furthermore, this historical-Being-in-the-worldwith- Others is the horizon of Being over which truth can appear. Heidegger's solution to the problem of solipsism appears to satisfy that the world is not just a subjective idealist creation and also that one need not appeal to any universal measures of truth or presumed eternal verities. Thus in elucidating Heidegger's notion of history I will also confront the issues ofDasein's Being-alongside-things as well as the Being of Dasein as Being-in-the-world so that Dasein's historicality is explicated vis-a-vis the "sending of Being" (die Schicken des S eins).
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The site of present-day St. Catharines was settled by 3000 United Empire Loyalists at the end of the 18th century. From 1790, the settlement (then known as "The Twelve") grew as an agricultural community. St. Catharines was once referred to Shipman's Corners after Paul Shipman, owner of a tavern that was an important stagecoach transfer point. In 1815, leading businessman William Hamilton Merritt abandoned his wharf at Queenston and set up another at Shipman's Corners. He became involved in the construction and operation of several lumber and gristmills along Twelve Mile Creek. Shipman's Corners soon became the principal milling site of the eastern Niagara Peninsula. At about the same time, Merritt began to develop the salt springs that were discovered along the river which subsequently gave the village a reputation as a health resort. By this time St. Catharines was the official name of the village; the origin of the name remains obscure, but is thought to be named after Catharine Askin Robertson Hamilton, wife of the Hon. Robert Hamilton, a prominent businessman. Merritt devised a canal scheme from Lake Erie to Lake Ontario that would provide a more reliable water supply for the mills while at the same time function as a canal. He formed the Welland Canal Company, and construction took place from 1824 to 1829. The canal and the mills made St. Catharines the most important industrial centre in Niagara. By 1845, St. Catharines was incorporated as a town, with the town limits extending in 1854. Administrative and political functions were added to St. Catharines in 1862 when it became the county seat of Lincoln. In 1871, construction began on the third Welland Canal, which attracted additional population to the town. As a consequence of continual growth, the town limits were again extended. St. Catharines attained city status in 1876 with its larger population and area. Manufacturing became increasingly important in St. Catharines in the early 1900s with the abundance of hydro-electric power, and its location on important land and water routes. The large increase in population after the 1900s was mainly due to the continued industrialization and urbanization of the northern part of the city and the related expansion of business activity. The fourth Welland Canal was opened in 1932 as the third canal could no longer accommodate the larger ships. The post war years and the automobile brought great change to the urban form of St. Catharines. St. Catharines began to spread its boundaries in all directions with land being added five times during the 1950s. The Town of Merritton, Village of Port Dalhousie and Grantham Township were all incorporated as part of St. Catharines in 1961. In 1970 the Province of Ontario implemented a regional approach to deal with such issues as planning, pollution, transportation and services. As a result, Louth Township on the west side of the city was amalgamated, extending the city's boundary to Fifteen Mile Creek. With its current population of 131,989, St. Catharines has become the dominant centre of the Niagara region. Source: City of St. Catharines website http://www.stcatharines.ca/en/governin/HistoryOfTheCity.asp (January 27, 2011)
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Frank C. (Case) McCordick (1873-1946) was the son of William Henry (1849-1930) and Emily D. Howell (1851-1927) McCordick. William H. McCordick was in the coal business. The McCordick family included Frank Case, Mabel Gertrude, Ethel Howell and Arthur Stanley. Frank C. McCordick was educated in St. Catharines, and worked with his father in the coal business and eventually opened up a leather tanning operation. McCordick was active in the Lincoln Regiment and in 1906 was promoted to captain and in command of Company A, 19th Regiment. He was promoted to major and at the outbreak of war he was sent overseas as a commander of the 35th Battalion of the Canadian Expeditionary Forces (CEF). Upon arrival in France he was made officer commanding the 15th Battalion, King’s Own Yorkshire Light Infantry (KOYLI). After the war and his return to Canada he continued to play an active role in the local military units in the area as well as in Hamilton. After his retirement from the military in 1927 McCordick served as alderman and then mayor of St. Catharines from 1930 to 1931. He was a member of a large number of civic clubs, including St. Catharines Chamber of Commerce, Y.M.C.A., Lion’s Club, St. Catharines Golf Club, Detroit Boat Club, the St Catharines Club, as well as a member of several Masonic lodges. He continued to operate McCordick Tannery and other local investments. In 1903 Frank C. McCordick married May Beatrice Simson, daughter of Thomas E. Simson of Thorold. They had three children, E. (Edward) Frank McCordick, Bruce McCordick and (Margaret) Doris McCordick (m. Hubert Grigaut, d. 1977). The McCordick family resided at 82 Yates Street, near Adams Street. May Simson McCordick (b. 1873) was the daughter of Thomas Edward (1836-1908) and Julia Headlam (1844-1887) Simson of Thorold. Her siblings included: Edward, Frances, John, Augusta, Georgia and Gertrude. E. (Edward) Frank McCordick (1904-1980) was born in St. Catharines, Ont., attended Lake Lodge School in Grimsby, Ridley College in St. Catharines, Beechmont Preparatory School in England, Upper Canada College in Toronto and graduated from Royal Military College in Kingston, Ont. in 1925. Upon graduation he was made a lieutenant in the 10th (St. Catharines) Field Battery. In 1929 he married Helen Stanley Smith, daughter of Stanley George and Mary Walker Smith of St. Catharines. Col. McCordick, now promoted to Major, played an active role in the 10th (St. Catharines) Field Battery, being officer commanding the battery. In late 1939 McCordick headed to England for artillery tactical training and on December 6, 1939 the battery began the long trek overseas. McCordick saw action in Italy and in Holland. Upon his return to Canada at the end of the war he was the Liberal candidate in the federal election for Lincoln County. He remained active in the local military serving as honorary lieutenant-colonel of the 56th Field Regiment (ARCA) and in 1976 as the honorary colonel of the regiment. Col. McCordick held the Efficiency Decoration, the Order of the British Empire, granted in 1945 and was made an officer in the Order of St. John in 1978. He continued to serve his community in various capacities, including the Unemployment Insurance Canada Board, Royal Trust Company and the St. John Ambulance Society. He remained an active member of the alumni of Royal Military College, editing and compiling a newsletter and organizing reunion weekends. He kept in close contact with many of his classmates. Helen Stanley Smith McCordick lived in St. Catharines, Ont., attended Robertson School, and graduated from the University of Toronto in 1926 with a Bachelor of Arts degree in Modern Languages. During the war years (1939-1945) Helen was active in the Transport division of the local branch of the Canadian Red Cross and the Women’s Auxiliary of the 10th Field Battery. In 1932 E. Frank and Helen McCordick welcomed their only child, (Catharine) Anne McCordick. Helen continued to play an active role in her community until her passing in 1997. Stanley George Smith (1865-1960) was born in St. Catharines, Ont., the only child of William Smith (d. June 16, 1876) a native of Edinburgh, Scotland and his wife Hannah Louisa Maria Bulkeley a native of Fairfield, Connecticut. Stanley George Smith married Mary Walker of Guelph, Ont.(d. 1956) Mary was the daughter of Hugh and Elizabeth (d. 1924) Walker. Her siblings included Margaret, Agnes, Jessie, Isabella, Lorne, Ada, Alice, Eva, Alexander and George. Hugh Walker was a prominent fruit and vegetable merchant in Guelph. On 1904 their only child, Helen Stanley Smith was born. He was a post office clerk, and the treasurer for the James D. Tait Co. Ltd., a clothing and dry goods retailer in St. Catharines. The family lived at 39 Church Street in St. Catharines, Ont.
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Roberta “Bobbie” Styran was born and rasied in Fredericton, N.B. She graduated from McMaster University with a B.A. (1962) and M.A. (1964), before furthering her studies at the University of Toronto, where she received a Ph. D in History. From 1967 to 1978, she taught Medieval History at Brock University, where she developed an interest in the Welland Canal. She began a collaboration with Prof. Robert R. Taylor of the History Department at this time, researching the history of the Welland Canals. She later moved to Toronto and worked for the Ministry of Education, but returned to St. Catharines in 1988 to facilitate her work with Prof. Taylor. The two have co-authored several books, including The Welland Canals: the Growth of Mr. Merritt’s Ditch; Mr. Merritt’s Ditch: A Welland Canals Album; The Great “Swivel Link”: Canada’s Welland Canal and This Great National Object: Building the Nineteenth-Century Welland Canals. Bobbie travelled extensively, visiting many canal and industrial revolution sites in Great Britain and the United States. She was active in many canal associations, including the Canadian Canal Society (where she served as president and editor of the Society’s newsletter), the American Canal Society, and the Council of Inland Waterways International. She also helped to found the Welland Canals Preservation Association and organized and chaired the 2004 World Canals Conference at Brock University. In 2009, she received the W. Gordon Plewes Award from the Canadian Society for Civil Engineering, an award that recognized her services to Canadian engineering history.
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Figure majeure de l’histoire des relations coloniales franco-algériennes, l’émir Abdelkader est généralement présenté par ses compatriotes comme le modèle politique, militaire et religieux du résistant au colonialisme français du 19ième siècle. L’historiographie officielle algérienne en véhicule l’image du chef religieux qui a initié al-jihad de résistance conforme aux règles exotériques de la chari’ia. Il est décrit comme un guerrier loyal et magnanime, fin stratège, dont la défaite militaire a paradoxalement marqué la fondation de l’Algérie moderne en tant que Nation et État. La construction sociopolitique postcoloniale de ce mythe a permis de légitimer les différents régimes politiques, qui se sont succédé dans l’Algérie indépendante et qui ont toujours tenu, dans le cadre d’une lecture littérale de l’Islam. Ceci dans le but de taire la dimension spirituelle d’Abdelkader disciple, héritier et commentateur de l’œuvre du magister Magnus soufi, IbnʻArabî. Fascinés dès le début de l’occupation par cet adversaire hors du commun, les français, de plus en plus sécularisés, en ont érigé une image utilitaire, l’aliénant ainsi de ses compatriotes coreligionnaires et le découplant de sa foi islamique. Les mémoires concurrentes de l’ancienne puissance coloniale et de son ex-colonie, l’Algérie, ont généré plusieurs débats contemporains en ce qui a trait à l’écriture de l’histoire de la colonisation. Le personnage d’Abdelkader a été instrumentalisé par les uns et les autres. Deux évènements controversés de sa biographie sont devenus les objets d’une polémique souvent âpre et amère entre auteurs chercheurs algériens et français : l’adhésion de l’émir à la franc-maçonnerie française et sa séparation d’avec celle-ci. Nous allons présenter que la prémisse d’auteurs algériens, selon laquelle Abdelkader n’aurait pas pu adhérer au Grand Orient de France, pour cause d’incompatibilité doctrinale musulmane, est inconsistante. Nous essayerons de démontrer au contraire, que son initiation à la maçonnerie telle qu’elle s’était présentée à lui était en accord avec sa vision soufie et légaliste du dogme islamique. En nous basant sur le choix de la franc-maçonnerie française pour la laïcité au moment de la réception supposée de l’émir dans la fraternité, nous montrerons qu’il s’en éloigna pour des raisons de doctrine islamique. En effet, l’élimination de toute référence déiste des textes constitutifs du Grand Orient de France fut inacceptable pour le musulman qu’était Abdelkader, vaincu militairement mais raffermi spirituellement par sa proximité grandissante avec son maître spirituel IbnʻArabî. L’humanisme des francs-maçons français avait motivé une refondation basée sur les droits de l’homme issus de la révolution française. Tandis que celui de l’émir Abdelkader prenait sa source dans l’Unicité de l’Être, concept-cadre Akbarien de la compréhension de la relation de Dieu avec ses créatures. Nous allons montrer que les polémiques franco-algériennes sur les relations d’Abdelkader avec la franc-maçonnerie française, masquent un autre débat de fond qui dure depuis des siècles dans le monde musulman. Un débat opposant deux herméneutiques légalistes des textes islamiques, l’une exotérique s’incarnant dans l’œuvre du théologien musulman Ibn Taymiyya et l’autre ésotérique se trouvant au cœur des écrits du mystique IbnʻArabî.