Historia del Espectáculo: Teatro y Cine en la España Contemporánea (curso 2015-2016)

Apuntes de la asignatura y ejercicios prácticos con bibliografía y calendario.

Historia de la dirección escénica en España: Miguel Narros

The year 2013 saw the passing of Miguel Narros, one of the most outstanding men of theatre of recent decades, and a creator to whom we remain in debt today. His extensive legacy deserves a special place in our memory and stands as a subject of study of the keenest interest, in view of the increasing amount of research being done on the discipline of stage direction. The objective of the thesis being presented is to provide an overview of Narros’ work, so as to draw conclusions related to the situation of theatre in Spain throughout the second half of the twentieth century and in the early twenty-first century and to elucidate the director’s poetic conception and a theory of his stage practice. The thesis has focused on the director’s biography —in which work and personal life are closely intertwined—, the artistic and technical credits and dates of his stage productions, the compiling and summarising of a number of reviews in the press, the classification and discussion of the different historical and literary periods dealt with by the director, as well as the poetics of his theatre (his points of reference, his conception as stage director —form and content— and his position on the elements that make up a stage production). Also attached is a selection of photographs of more than half of his stagings (in addition to some of the director himself) which are testimony to his creation and a reflection of a number of the characteristics of his theatre. The study —based on information from the written press, public and private archives (which provided everything from photographs to handbills) and a number of personal interviews, among other sources— reveals a professional whose work transformed, enriched and consolidated the Spanish stage. Indeed, Spanish theatre simply cannot be understood without taking into account Miguel Narros. Narros worked as an actor and immersed himself in the teachings of the figures that populated the theatre world of the mid-twentieth century, such as Jardiel Poncela, Elvira Noriega, José María Rodero, Carmen Seco and, above all, Luis Escobar...

Descripción e historia política, eclesiástica y monumental de España para uso de la juventud. Provincia de Alava / Valentín Picatoste.

Ded. autógr. del autor

Descripción e historia política, eclesiástica y monumental de España para uso de la juventud. Provincia de Guipúzcoa / Valentín Picatoste.

Tít. de la cub.: Historia de Guipúzcoa

Primera, y segunda parte, de la historia del Peru / qve se mando escreuir, à Diego Fernandez, vezino de la ciudad de Palencia ; co[n]tiene la primera, lo succedido en la Nueua España y en el Perú, sobre la execucion de las nueuas leyes, y el allanamiento

Colofones

Espectáculo de identidades nacionales. Presentación de Colombia en las Exposiciones Internacionales de 1992, 1998, 2010

El presente documento analiza como el Estado colombiano ha querido crear una identidad nacional en tres Exposiciones Internacionales a partir de representaciones elaboradas con un discurso entre político, comercial y cultural, generando imágenes que no siempre concuerdan con la realidad.

Intercambios mercantiles en el Pacífico sur: el comercio de exportación de Perú y Cadis 1700-1820

Introducción: El comercio en general ha sido y es una de las actividades económicas mas importantes. Durante el siglo XVIII permitió la gran expansión de las grandes potencias e incluso la captación de nuevos mercados fue la causa que enfrentó a Inglaterra con Francia y España en guerras continentales que jalonaron todo el siglo. Dominar el mar era condición ine qua non para obtener la supremacía comercial…

Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926

The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.

Liberdade e tolerância religiosa: "portugueses não católicos" no ultramar do século XIX

The personal legal status of native non catholic people of Portuguese colonial Empire during the nineteenth century, their position in what concerns Portuguese citizenship, is the main subject of this article. While discussing constitutional articles on religion, Portuguese deputies of the nineteenth century were confronted with a set of problems about that status which they find difficult to solve: should non catholic peoples who were born in Portuguese colonial territory be treated as plain Portuguese citizens or where they just “savage people”, “colonial subjects” or, in a more optimistic approach, “civilizing subjects”. The results were not conclusive, giving rise to an “uncertainty principle” which enabled central and local government to decide in an almost casuistic way about native people status and rights.

Historia naturalis palmarum :opus tripartium / Carol. Frid. Phil. de Martius.

vol. 1

Historia naturalis palmarum :opus tripartium / Carol. Frid. Phil. de Martius.

vol. 2

Historia naturalis palmarum :opus tripartium / Carol. Frid. Phil. de Martius.

vol. 3