895 resultados para Criminal justice ideologies


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La reforma de los delitos contra la seguridad en el tráfico operada por LO 15/2007, de 30 de noviembre, constituye la expresión de un programa político-criminal de más amplio alcance, presente en el Proyecto de Reforma del Código Penal de 2007. En este trabajo se exponen las causas de la emergencia del nuevo derecho penal de la seguridad vial a la luz del paradi gma explicativo que ofrece el derecho penal postmoderno del riesgo -sometido aquí a necesarios ajustes- y se ofrece un análisis crítico de dos de los nuevos tipos: la conducción a velocidad por encima de determinados límites (art. 379.1) y la conducción con concentraciones de alcohol en aire espirado o en sangre superiores a determinadas tasas (0.6 mgr. o 1,2 gr. respectivamente) –art. 379.2-. Igualmente se analiza la propuesta del Proyecto de Reforma del Código de elevar a la categoría de delito las imprudencias leves con resultado de muerte. Tres piezas clave de un programa que trasluce una gran desconfianza hacia el estamento judicial y un optimismo infundado en las posibilidades del derecho penal para reducir eficazmente la siniestralidad vial.

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El trabajo aborda una comparación de los diversos sistemas de penas estatales en Europa, con el objetivo de sistematizar los diversos modelos político-criminales y de calibrar la aflictividad de los mismos. A través de determinados indicadores se pone de relieve que los sistemas jurídicos que abren un mayor espacio a la discrecionalidad judicial en la selección y la determinación de la pena muestran una mayor moderación del rigor punitivo y están en mejores condiciones de dar respuesta a una fenomenología criminal cada vez más diversa.

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La dimensión real de la actual política criminal española carece de adecuados niveles de racionalidad, entre sus múltiples causas, podemos mencionar el fenómeno de la creciente dinámica punitivista, la ausencia de una adecuada cultura de evaluación, el menosprecio a la criminología, la escasa consideración de los responsables políticos hacia las opiniones expertas de la dogmática, y la constante indiferencia de ésta hacia la realidad que debe enfrentar. Se configura así un decepcionante panorama donde la política criminal real aparece como carente de una sólida base empírica. La dimensión teórica de la política criminal, no puede soslayar el aporte de las investigaciones criminológicas, ya que aquellos tendrían la virtualidad de ser condición necesaria aunque no suficiente de la utilización racional del sistema punitivo. Hay que optar por una reducción de la privación de libertad y promover otras sanciones en cuyo contenido se armonicen los conceptos de incapacitación y responsabilización. Además, se requiere el desarrollo de una victimología que se dirija a inhibir los impulsos punitivos de las víctimas en función de orientar la política criminal hacia una cultura jurídica reparatoria que enfrente la actual expansión del derecho penal.

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The comparison of the operations of the administration of justice among cantons shows on one side large differences in the three major types of sentencing, in the use of pre-trial detention and the unsuspended prison sanction. When combined, one finds however very weak relationships when considering absolute, percentage or weighted results. On the other side, the outcome of these different policies is much paradoxical as there are no differences when comparing recidivism rates among cantons, despite strong differences in the use of pre-trial detention and the sentencing with prison sanctions. The paradoxical outcome of crime policies in terms of recidivism - e.g. the absence of differences of the outcome based on sanctions in the domain of less severe delinquency - suggests the need for more empirically informed crime policies. The role of justice administrators could be to participate in the dissemination of those findings as well as the dissemination of best practices among cantons with regard to outcomes and the use of resources - especially with consideration to the use of the prison sanction as it is the most costly and the most inefficient of all sanctions. Furthermore, the observance of the principle of equality before the law would be most likely be promoted.

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Educational institutions are considered a keystone for the establishment of a meritocratic society. They supposedly serve two functions: an educational function that promotes learning for all, and a selection function that sorts individuals into different programs, and ultimately social positions, based on individual merit. We study how the function of selection relates to support for assessment practices known to harm vs. benefit lower status students, through the perceived justice principles underlying these practices. We study two assessment practices: normative assessment-focused on ranking and social comparison, known to hinder the success of lower status students-and formative assessment-focused on learning and improvement, known to benefit lower status students. Normative assessment is usually perceived as relying on an equity principle, with rewards being allocated based on merit and should thus appear as positively associated with the function of selection. Formative assessment is usually perceived as relying on corrective justice that aims to ensure equality of outcomes by considering students' needs, which makes it less suitable for the function of selection. A questionnaire measuring these constructs was administered to university students. Results showed that believing that education is intended to select the best students positively predicts support for normative assessment, through increased perception of its reliance on equity, and negatively predicts support for formative assessment, through reduced perception of its ability to establish corrective justice. This study suggests that the belief in the function of selection as inherent to educational institutions can contribute to the reproduction of social inequalities by preventing change from assessment practices known to disadvantage lowerstatus student, namely normative assessment, to more favorable practices, namely formative assessment, and by promoting matching beliefs in justice principles.

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We manipulate distributive justice rules of demographic quotas in university selection. Results show that quotas involving students' need are preferred over equity and authority ranking quotas. International students also differentiate more between quotas than locals, preferring those advantaging them. This suggests that universities should consider students' need in their selection.

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Efficiency in the administration of justice is found to increase over time, while the variation in the efficiency of the courts tended to remain low and fall over time. This would appear to be good news, at least for the case studied here: the civil courts of first instance in Spain between 2005 and 2009. Apart from the simple passing of time, the percentage of temporary judges in the system also determines some of the differences in efficiency between courts over time. Thus, we find that the greater the percentage of temporary judges, the lower is the efficiency of the courts. Overall, the average relative efficiency level for the period 2005 to 2009 was 97.46%, suggesting the matter is under control.