Electricity without borders: a plan to make the internal market work. Bruegel Blueprint Series 20, 5 September 2013

The most straightforward European single energy market design would entail a European system operator regulated by a single European regulator. This would ensure the predictable development of rules for the entire EU, significantly reducing regulatory uncertainty for electricity sector investments. But such a first-best market design is unlikely to be politically realistic in the European context for three reasons. First, the necessary changes compared to the current situation are substantial and would produce significant redistributive effects. Second, a European solution would deprive member states of the ability to manage their energy systems nationally. And third, a single European solution might fall short of being well-tailored to consumers’ preferences, which differ substantially across the EU. To nevertheless reap significant benefits from an integrated European electricity market, we propose the following blueprint: First, we suggest adding a European system-management layer to complement national operation centres and help them to better exchange information about the status of the system, expected changes and planned modifications. The ultimate aim should be to transfer the day-to-day responsibility for the safe and economic operation of the system to the European control centre. To further increase efficiency, electricity prices should be allowed to differ between all network points between and within countries. This would enable throughput of electricity through national and international lines to be safely increased without any major investments in infrastructure. Second, to ensure the consistency of national network plans and to ensure that they contribute to providing the infrastructure for a functioning single market, the role of the European ten year network development plan (TYNDP) needs to be upgraded by obliging national regulators to only approve projects planned at European level unless they can prove that deviations are beneficial. This boosted role of the TYNDP would need to be underpinned by resolving the issues of conflicting interests and information asymmetry. Therefore, the network planning process should be opened to all affected stakeholders (generators, network owners and operators, consumers, residents and others) and enable the European Agency for the Cooperation of Energy Regulators (ACER) to act as a welfare-maximising referee. An ultimate political decision by the European Parliament on the entire plan will open a negotiation process around selecting alternatives and agreeing compensation. This ensures that all stakeholders have an interest in guaranteeing a certain degree of balance of interest in the earlier stages. In fact, transparent planning, early stakeholder involvement and democratic legitimisation are well suited for minimising as much as possible local opposition to new lines. Third, sharing the cost of network investments in Europe is a critical issue. One reason is that so far even the most sophisticated models have been unable to identify the individual long-term net benefit in an uncertain environment. A workable compromise to finance new network investments would consist of three components: (i) all easily attributable cost should be levied on the responsible party; (ii) all network users that sit at nodes that are expected to receive more imports through a line extension should be obliged to pay a share of the line extension cost through their network charges; (iii) the rest of the cost is socialised to all consumers. Such a cost-distribution scheme will involve some intra-European redistribution from the well-developed countries (infrastructure-wise) to those that are catching up. However, such a scheme would perform this redistribution in a much more efficient way than the Connecting Europe Facility’s ad-hoc disbursements to politically chosen projects, because it would provide the infrastructure that is really needed.

Perceptions des femmes exerçant différentes formes d'activités sexuelles rémunérées hors rue sur leur pratique

La présente recherche rend compte de la perception de leurs activités de huit femmes ayant pratiqué ou pratiquant toujours diverses formes d’activités sexuelles rémunérées dans un contexte hors rue. Les formes d’activités les plus souvent abordées sont la danse nue avec et sans contacts, l’escorte, le massage érotique et le phénomène communément appelé « sugar daddy », soit l’échange des services contre rémunération avec un client en particulier. Deux participantes de l’échantillon ont, parallèlement à leurs pratiques hors rue, exercé dans la rue. Le terme « pratiques sexuelles rémunérées » a été privilégié afin d’assurer une perspective neutre, c’est-à-dire sans parti pris a priori pour aucune des deux visions préexistantes par rapport au phénomène se situant à deux extrémités de ce que nous percevons plutôt être un continuum, soit la vision abolitionniste voulant que la « prostitution » soit une forme d’exploitation et de violence sexuelle commise principalement à l’égard des femmes, qui devrait être décriminalisée pour les femmes, mais criminalisée pour les clients et les proxénètes, et la vision soutenant que le « travail du sexe » est un choix qui constitue un travail comme un autre et, conséquemment, mérite d’être décriminalisé complètement, et ce, même pour les clients et les proxénètes. Notre approche visait essentiellement à permettre d’aller chercher les visions subjectives des femmes sur leur pratique, point de vue que nous retrouvons peu dans les écrits et les débats sur le sujet. La cadre théorique qui sous-tend notre analyse est celui de l’intersectionnalité. Les principales sources de discrimination ressorties sont l’âge, le statut socioéconomique, et l’origine ethnique pour une participante. Ces sources augmentent les facteurs de vulnérabilité faisant que les femmes se dirigent vers l’univers des pratiques sexuelles rémunérées, y demeurent ou parfois y retournent après un arrêt, ceci afin d’assurer leur subsistance, la consommation de substances psychoactives ou pour pouvoir rembourser des dettes et/ou se payer certains luxes. Le but de notre étude est de découvrir et de comprendre la perception des femmes quant à leur expérience associée à la pratique de différentes formes d’activités sexuelles rémunérées hors rue. Il s’agissait plus spécifiquement de décrire, comprendre et analyser la trajectoire ayant conduit les femmes vers la pratique d’activités sexuelles rémunérées; comprendre leurs trajectoires et leurs expériences en fonction des différents types de pratique, plus ou moins intense, plus ou moins variée et plus ou moins étendue dans le temps et, enfin, de situer leur perspective sur le continuum du débat social positionnant la pratique d’activités sexuelles rémunérées comme étant soit une forme d’exploitation ou une forme de travail comme un autre. Afin d’atteindre ces objectifs, une approche qualitative faite d’entretiens semi-dirigés auprès des femmes a été réalisée. Nous avons ainsi pu situer les perspectives des femmes sur un continuum où plusieurs trouvaient leur place dans des visions plus nuancées de leur réalité, alors que d’autres rejoignaient davantage une des deux visions polarisées. En effet, certaines ont vécu leur expérience essentiellement comme une forme d’exploitation et de violence à leur égard, alors que d’autres en traitent comme un choix et un travail comme un autre.

The strength of the Christian Democrats, the weakness of the opposition. Germany before the parliamentary elections. OSW Commentary No. 114, 12.09.2013

The political campaign before Germany’s parliamentary elections to be held on 22 September has in all its glory reflected the trends visible during the last four years of the government of Chancellor Angela Merkel – the strength of the Christian Democrats, the weakness of the opposition and the increasing marginalisation of the coalition partner, the FDP. The CDU/CSU remains the most popular political choice in Germany, largely because Angela Merkel has consistently remained the most popular German politician. Everything indicates that the CDU/CSU will win the election, even though it has been running a passive campaign and the Chancellor herself has been avoiding confrontation, presenting herself as a kind of cross-party representative of the interests of all social groups. The Christian Democrats’ main competitors, the Social Democrats, have been unable to play to their strengths and present themselves as a serious alternative to the CDU/CSU. The Christian Democrats, despite their difficult cooperation with the liberal FDP, have declared their willingness to continue doing so during the next parliamentary term. If the numbers make that impossible, and the Social Democrats and the Greens have too few votes to be able to form a government, a grand coalition of the Christian Democrats and the SPD will be formed in Germany.

Russia’s Middle East policy after the Arab revolutions. OSW Commentary No. 59, 2011-07-26

Russia’s policy towards the Middle East is instrumental. Its activity in the region has been growing since the middle of the last decade, and its aim is to help Moscow achieve its objectives in other areas, particularly in its policies towards the US and Europe, as well as its energy policy. The establishment of these political influences constitutes a bargaining chip for Russia in its relations with the US. Russia’s participation in resolving conflicts is aimed at building up its image as a supra-regional power. Russia’s Middle East policy is a key element in its contacts with the Muslim world. At the same time, Russia’s policy in the region remains cautious – despite its return to the region, Russia has not decided to ‘play’ for the Middle East, and its position and role in the region remain limited. The balance of power in the Middle East has been shifting in the aftermath of the Arab revolutions. However, it does not seem that they have opened up larger opportunities for Russian policy in the region. The Russian elite has been divided in its assessment of the consequences of these events. One part of it has displayed scepticism, treating the revolutions rather as a threat than a chance to strengthen their own position. The revolutions were not seen as democratisation processes, but rather as a destabilisation of the region and as posing an increased danger from radical Islam. For the other part of the elite, the revolutions were the natural consequence of the social changes occurring in the region. This internal dispute made it difficult for Russia to present a cohesive approach to the Arab revolutions, and its stance was reactive. The defensive position which Moscow adopted showed that Russia did not have the potential to mould the political situation, either in the region as a whole or its individual countries; neither did it display any willingness to do so. What Moscow is doing is positioning itself in such a way so as not to spoil relations with any other actor in the region, and to be able to exploit any possible emerging opportunities in case of further-reaching changes.

Systemic crisis in Alexander Lukashenko's regime. OSW Commentary No. 66, 2011-10-28

Measures undertaken by the Belarusian government in the areas of the economy, internal affairs and foreign policy in recent months have proven increasingly ineffective. Despite the deteriorating macroeconomic situation, Minsk is not implementing the reforms necessary to combat the crisis and its activity is limited only to feigned actions and administrative regulations. As a result, the economic situation is worsening but the chances of obtaining external loans as support, for example from the International Monetary Fund (IMF), are decreasing. At the same time there is mounting fear among the regime of social unrest, therefore by raising salaries of the least well-off groups of citizens it is trying to compensate for the increased costs of living. On the other hand, the government is extending the scope of control over society and competences of enforcement bodies. Belarus’s room for manoeuvre in foreign policy has also been diminishing substantially. Despite the EU’s declared willingness to reach an agreement and its encouragement, Lukashenko is not ready to make concessions in the political sphere (e.g. to rehabilitate political prisoners), and this is hindering the normalisation of relations with the West. Minsk furthermore feels a mounting pressure from Moscow, making the Belarusian negotiating position ever weaker. The lack of freedom of manoeuvre in foreign policy, no possibility to maintain a costly economic model and the lack of support from the majority of society all prove that Alexander Lukashenko’s regime is in severe crisis. The system he established is no longer able to respond to current threats with adequate and effective strategies. This situation is challenging the regime’s stability and calls into question its viability in the longer term.

Derisory Results or Reasons to be Cheerful? Evaluating the Implantation of the European Neighbourhood Policy in Ukraine, Moldova and Belarus. Natolin Research Paper 01/January 2011

This paper considers the implementation of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) in Ukraine, Moldova and Belarus. The paper presents a portrait of the three neighbours in terms of their current political and socio-economic profiles, as well as the status of their relations with the European Union. Subsequently, it provides an overview of the development of ENP. A general set of conclusions are offered in relation to the key issue of good governance, where, the paper argues, ENP has delivered derisory results, with patchy effects across the region. Moreover, the paper identifies the democratic back-sliding in Ukraine and entenched authoritarianism in Belarus, which ENP has done very little to address. The EU’s willingness to provide better mobility options for ENP citizens to visit and work in the EU is a key test for the Eastern Partnership (EaP) in the coming year. This paper sees that whilst there are reasons to be cheerful here, with the EU’s recent offer of greater Visa Liberalisation for Ukraine and Moldova, there remains much to be done and in the meantime the EU remains a ‘Fortress Europe’. The paper concludes with a set of recommendations for ENP, which include the need to finally tackle corruption in the region, bring more differentiation into ENP, soften the EU’s borders through more generous Visa regimes, develop a more robust Belarus strategy and to think more creatively about the use of ENP funds for regional and cross- border activities.

Androgen responsiveness to competition in humans: the role of cognitive variables

Although androgens are commonly seen as male sex hormones, it has been established over the years that in both sexes, androgens also respond to social challenges. To explain the socially driven changes in androgens, two theoretical models have been proposed: the biosocial model and the challenge hypothesis. These models are typically seen as partly overlapping; however, they generate different predictions that are clarified here. In humans, sports competition and nonmetabolic competitive tasks have been used in the laboratory setting, as a proxy for agonistic interactions in animals. The results reviewed here show that the testosterone (T) response to competition in humans is highly variable – the studies present postcompetition T levels and changes in T that depend on the contest outcome and that cannot be predicted by the current theoretical models. These conflicting results bring to the foreground the importance of considering cognitive factors that could moderate the androgen response to competition. Among these variables, we elect cognitive appraisal and its components as a key candidate modulating factor. It is known that T also modulates the cognitive processes that are relevant to performance in competition. In this article, we reviewed the evidence arising from studies investigating the effect of administering exogenous T and compare those results with the findings from studies that measured endogenous T levels. Finally, we summarized the importance of also considering the interaction between androgens and other hormones, such as cortisol, when investigating the social modulation of T, as proposed by the dual-hormone hypothesis.

Neurogenomic mechanisms of social plasticity

Group-living animals must adjust the expression of their social behaviour to changes in their social environment and to transitions between life-history stages, and this social plasticity can be seen as an adaptive trait that can be under positive selection when changes in the environment outpace the rate of genetic evolutionary change. Here, we propose a conceptual framework for understanding the neuromolecular mechanisms of social plasticity. According to this framework, social plasticity is achieved by rewiring or by biochemically switching nodes of a neural network underlying social behaviour in response to perceived social information. Therefore, at the molecular level, it depends on the social regulation of gene expression, so that different genomic and epigenetic states of this brain network correspond to different behavioural states, and the switches between states are orchestrated by signalling pathways that interface the social environment and the genotype. Different types of social plasticity can be recognized based on the observed patterns of inter- versus intra-individual occurrence, time scale and reversibility. It is proposed that these different types of social plasticity rely on different proximate mechanisms at the physiological, neural and genomic level.

Representações sobre a doença mental por parte dos cuidadores formais, em instituições de apoio e acolhimento a pessoas idosas: a realidade transfronteiriça entre Portugal e Espanha

Segundo (Lage; 2005) o cuidador informal sempre existiu ao longo da história da humanidade, ao séc. XX a família tinha um papel muito importante, após o sec. XX a família e o cuidar informal foi substituído pela medicina e pelo cuidador formal. O aumento do envelhecimento populacional, o aumento da esperança média de vida e a desertificação trouxeram um conjunto de preocupações e responsabilidades, às famílias e às entidades sociais e da saúde, devido aos cuidados que são necessários prestar às pessoas idosas dependentes e com doença mental, devido à crise dos sistemas sociais, de saúde e financeiro das entidades governamentais, a maioria dos casos de doença mental e idosos foram como que obrigados a recorrer aos cuidos informais para fazer face as despesas. Com o presente estudo, de caráter qualitativo, procuramos conhecer os estigmas que existem face a doença mental em dois países transfronteiriços, Portugal e Espanha. A amostra da população selecionada é constituída por quarenta cuidadores formais em instituição de acolhimento e apoio a pessoas idosas, em que quarto instituições distintas, duas em Portugal e duas em Espanha. Os cuidadores inquiridos referiram que há pouca procura por parte dos doentes mentais a estas instituições, uma vez que requerem mais cuidados presenciais e equipas direcionadas aos problemas específicos, embora todos tenham uma formação abrangente, mas é mais difícil cuidar deste tipo de clientes.

Trust and Reputation in Internet Auctions

Exchange between anonymous actors in Internet auctions corresponds to a one-shot prisoner's dilemma-like situation. Therefore, in any given auction the risk is high that seller and buyer will cheat and, as a consequence, that the market will collapse. However, mutual cooperation can be attained by the simple and very efficient institution of a public rating system. By this system, sellers have incentives to invest in reputation in order to enhance future chances of business. Using data from about 200 auctions of mobile phones we empirically explore the effects of the reputation system. In general, the analysis of nonobtrusive data from auctions may help to gain a deeper understanding of basic social processes of exchange, reputation, trust, and cooperation, and of the impact of institutions on the efficiency of markets. In this study we report empirical estimates of effects of reputation on characteristics of transactions such as the probability of a successful deal, the mode of payment, and the selling price (highest bid). In particular, we try to answer the question whether sellers receive a "premium" for reputation. Our results show that buyers are willing to pay higher prices for reputation in order to diminish the risk of exploitation. On the other hand, sellers protect themselves from cheating buyers by the choice of an appropriate payment mode. Therefore, despite the risk of mutual opportunistic behavior, simple institutional settings lead to cooperation, relatively rare events of fraud, and efficient markets.

Equal Partners in Dialogue? Participation Equality in a Transnational Deliberative Poll (Europolis)

By gathering a representative sample of citizens from all 27 EU Member States, the deliberative poll Europolis created the opportunity for the inclusion of a wide variety of European voices. Taking up claims of difference democrats who argue that informal hurdles to participation can endure even after individuals gain formal access to the floor, this article argues for an extended approach to evaluate equality in deliberative minipublics. Specifically, it assesses whether participants contributed in roughly equal measures to the discussion and whether their discussion partners considered their contributions on equal merits. In doing so, the article adds to the small but growing literature on deliberation that expresses reservations about taking the willingness to engage with others' claims for granted. In order to account for the intrinsically relational aspect of interpersonal communication, measures of social network analysis are introduced as possible tools to evaluate participation equality in deliberative encounters.

Measuring the Social Identity of Entrepreneurs: Scale Development and International Validation

Recent research indicates that social identity theory offers an important lens to improve our understanding of founders as enterprising individuals, the venture creation process, and its outcomes. Yet, further advances are hindered by the lack of a valid scale that could be used to measure founders' social identities - a problem that is particularly severe because social identity is a multidimensional construct that needs to be assessed properly so that organizational phenomena can be understood. Drawing on social identity theory and the systematic classification of founders' social identities (Darwinians, Communitarians, Missionaries) provided in Fauchart and Gruber (2011), this study develops and empirically validates a 12-item scale that allows scholars to capture the multidimensional nature of social identities of entrepreneurs. Our validation tests are unusually comprehensive and solid, as we not only validate the developed scale in the Alpine region (where it was originally conceived), but also in 12 additional countries and the Anglo-American region. Scholars can use the scale to identify founders' social identities and to relate these identities to micro-level processes and outcomes in new firm creation. Scholars may also link founders' social identities to other levels of analysis such as industries (e.g., industry evolution) or whole economies (e.g., economic growth).

Perceptions des femmes exerçant différentes formes d'activités sexuelles rémunérées hors rue sur leur pratique

La présente recherche rend compte de la perception de leurs activités de huit femmes ayant pratiqué ou pratiquant toujours diverses formes d’activités sexuelles rémunérées dans un contexte hors rue. Les formes d’activités les plus souvent abordées sont la danse nue avec et sans contacts, l’escorte, le massage érotique et le phénomène communément appelé « sugar daddy », soit l’échange des services contre rémunération avec un client en particulier. Deux participantes de l’échantillon ont, parallèlement à leurs pratiques hors rue, exercé dans la rue. Le terme « pratiques sexuelles rémunérées » a été privilégié afin d’assurer une perspective neutre, c’est-à-dire sans parti pris a priori pour aucune des deux visions préexistantes par rapport au phénomène se situant à deux extrémités de ce que nous percevons plutôt être un continuum, soit la vision abolitionniste voulant que la « prostitution » soit une forme d’exploitation et de violence sexuelle commise principalement à l’égard des femmes, qui devrait être décriminalisée pour les femmes, mais criminalisée pour les clients et les proxénètes, et la vision soutenant que le « travail du sexe » est un choix qui constitue un travail comme un autre et, conséquemment, mérite d’être décriminalisé complètement, et ce, même pour les clients et les proxénètes. Notre approche visait essentiellement à permettre d’aller chercher les visions subjectives des femmes sur leur pratique, point de vue que nous retrouvons peu dans les écrits et les débats sur le sujet. La cadre théorique qui sous-tend notre analyse est celui de l’intersectionnalité. Les principales sources de discrimination ressorties sont l’âge, le statut socioéconomique, et l’origine ethnique pour une participante. Ces sources augmentent les facteurs de vulnérabilité faisant que les femmes se dirigent vers l’univers des pratiques sexuelles rémunérées, y demeurent ou parfois y retournent après un arrêt, ceci afin d’assurer leur subsistance, la consommation de substances psychoactives ou pour pouvoir rembourser des dettes et/ou se payer certains luxes. Le but de notre étude est de découvrir et de comprendre la perception des femmes quant à leur expérience associée à la pratique de différentes formes d’activités sexuelles rémunérées hors rue. Il s’agissait plus spécifiquement de décrire, comprendre et analyser la trajectoire ayant conduit les femmes vers la pratique d’activités sexuelles rémunérées; comprendre leurs trajectoires et leurs expériences en fonction des différents types de pratique, plus ou moins intense, plus ou moins variée et plus ou moins étendue dans le temps et, enfin, de situer leur perspective sur le continuum du débat social positionnant la pratique d’activités sexuelles rémunérées comme étant soit une forme d’exploitation ou une forme de travail comme un autre. Afin d’atteindre ces objectifs, une approche qualitative faite d’entretiens semi-dirigés auprès des femmes a été réalisée. Nous avons ainsi pu situer les perspectives des femmes sur un continuum où plusieurs trouvaient leur place dans des visions plus nuancées de leur réalité, alors que d’autres rejoignaient davantage une des deux visions polarisées. En effet, certaines ont vécu leur expérience essentiellement comme une forme d’exploitation et de violence à leur égard, alors que d’autres en traitent comme un choix et un travail comme un autre.

Real leadership and the U.S. Army : overcoming a failure of imagination to conduct adaptive work /

This monograph begins with a case study that provides a means for analyzing the complexity of organizational leadership in the contemporary security environment. As such, it presents a high stakes problem-set that required an operational adaptation by a cavalry squadron conducting combat operations in Baghdad. This problematic reality triggered the struggle to find a creative response to a very deadly problem, while cultural norms served as barriers that prevented the rejection of previously accepted solutions that had proven successful in the past, even though those successful solutions no longer fit in the context of the reality of the present. The case study highlights leaders who were constrained by deeply-held assumptions that inhibited their ability to adapt quickly to a changed environment. The case study then moves on to provide an example of a successful application of adaptive leadership and adaptive work that was performed by the organization after a period of reflection and the willingness to experiment and assume risk. The case study serves as a microcosm of the challenges facing the U.S. Army, and the corresponding leadership framework presented in this monograph can be used as a model for the Army as it attempts to move forward in its effort to make adaptation an institutional imperative. The paper presents a more holistic approach to leadership where the leader transcends that of simply being an authority figure and becomes a real leader who provides a safe and creative learning environment where the organization can tackle and solve adaptive challenges. The paper concludes by recommending that U.S. Army leaders apply Harvard Professor Dean Williams's theory to the challenges confronting the Army's leader development process thereby fostering a culture of adaptive leaders.