928 resultados para secular
Resumo:
This study examined the relationship between the Turkish Islamic movements and the present government of the Justice and Development Party ( Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi, AK Party). Since the AK Party came to power in 2002 it implemented unparalleled political reforms and pursued to improve Turkey’s relations with the EU. Opponents argued that because of the dominance of the secular military in Turkish politics, the AK Party is forced to secretly advance its Islamic agenda using the language and symbolism of democracy and human rights. This study argued that the ideas of the AK Party show similarities with the “Ottomanist” thought of the late Ottoman era. With special reference to the preservation of the Ottoman State, Ottomanism in an eclectic way was able to incorporate Islamic principles like freedom, justice and consultation into the political arena which was increasingly dominated by the secular European concepts. Literature on Islam and politics in Turkey, however, disregards the Ottoman roots of freedom and pluralism and tends to reduce the relationship between religion and state into exclusively confrontational struggles. This conceptualization of the political process relies on particular non-Turkish Muslim experiences which do not necessarily represent Islam’s venture in Turkey. Contrary to the prevailing scholarship, Islamic movements in Turkey, namely, Naqshbandi, National View and Nur, which are discussed in detail in this study, are not monolithic. They all uphold the same creedal tenets of Islam but they have sharp differences in terms of how they conceptualize the role of religious agency in politics. I argue that this diversity is a result of three distinct methodologies of Islamic religious life which are the Tariqah (Tarikat ), Shariah (Şeriat), and Haqiqah ( Hakikat). The differences between these three approaches represent a typological hierarchy in the formation of the Muslim/believer as an agent of Islamic identity. Through these different if not conflicting modes, the AK Party reconnected itself with Turkey’s Ottoman heritage in a post-Ottoman, secular setting and was able to develop an eclectic political identity of Neo-Ottomanism that is evident in the flexibility if not inconsistency of its domestic and foreign policy preferences.
Resumo:
In 1979 the United Nations passed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), an international bill of rights for women. Much scholarship has focused on the degree to which states have adopted these new international gender norms, but have paid little attention to the fact that norms change in the processes of implementation. This dissertation focuses on that process assessing the translation of international gender equality norm in Lebanon.^ The study traces global gender equality norms as they are translated into a complex context characterized by a political structure that divides powers according to confessional groups, a social structure that empowers men as heads of families, and a geopolitical structure that opposes a secular West to the Muslim East. Through a comparison of three campaigns – the campaign to combat violence against women, the campaign to change personal status codes, and the campaign to give women equal rights to pass on their nationality – the study traces different ways in which norms are translated as activists negotiate the structures that make up the Lebanese context. Through ethnographic research, the process of norm translation was found to produce various filters, i.e., constellations of arguments put forward by activists as they seek to match international norms to the local context. The dissertation identifies six such filters and finds that these filters often have created faithless translations of international norms.^
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We report on net ecosystem production (NEP) and key environmental controls on net ecosystem exchange (NEE) of carbon dioxide (CO2) between a mangrove forest and the atmosphere in the coastal Florida Everglades. An eddy covariance system deployed above the canopy was used to determine NEE during January 2004 through August 2005. Maximum daytime NEE ranged from −20 to −25 mmol (CO2) m−2 s−1 between March and May. Respiration (Rd) was highly variable (2.81 ± 2.41 mmol (CO2) m−2 s−1), reaching peak values during the summer wet season. During the winter dry season, forest CO2 assimilation increased with the proportion of diffuse solar irradiance in response to greater radiative transfer in the forest canopy. Surface water salinity and tidal activity were also important controls on NEE. Daily light use efficiency was reduced at high (>34 parts per thousand (ppt)) compared to low (ppt) salinity by 46%. Tidal inundation lowered daytime Rd by ∼0.9 mmol (CO2) m−2 s−1 and nighttime Rd by ∼0.5 mmol (CO2) m−2 s−1. The forest was a sink for atmospheric CO2, with an annual NEP of 1170 ± 127 g C m−2 during 2004. This unusually high NEP was attributed to year‐round productivity and low ecosystem respiration which reached a maximum of only 3 g C m−2 d−1. Tidal export of dissolved inorganic carbon derived from belowground respiration likely lowered the estimates of mangrove forest respiration. These results suggest that carbon balance in mangrove coastal systems will change in response to variable salinity and inundation patterns, possibly resulting from secular sea level rise and climate change. Citation: Barr, J. G., V. Engel, J. D. Fuentes,
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The current study applies a two-state switching regression model to examine the behavior of a hypothetical portfolio of ten socially responsible (SRI) equity mutual funds during the expansion and contraction phases of US business cycles between April 1991 and June 2009, based on the Carhart four-factor model, using monthly data. The model identified a business cycle effect on the performance of SRI equity mutual funds. Fund returns were less volatile during expansion/peaks than during contraction/troughs, as indicated by the standard deviation of returns. During contraction/troughs, fund excess returns were explained by the differential in returns between small and large companies, the difference between the returns on stocks trading at high and low Book-to-Market Value, the market excess return over the risk-free rate, and fund objective. During contraction/troughs, smaller companies offered higher returns than larger companies (ci = 0.26, p = 0.01), undervalued stocks out-performed high growth stocks (h i = 0.39, p <0.0001), and funds with growth objectives out-performed funds with other objectives (oi = 0.01, p = 0.02). The hypothetical SRI portfolio was less risky than the market (bi = 0.74, p <0.0001). During expansion/peaks, fund excess returns were explained by the market excess return over the risk-free rate, and fund objective. Funds with other objectives, such as balanced funds and income funds out-performed funds with growth objectives (oi = −0.01, p = 0.03). The hypothetical SRI portfolio exhibited similar risk as the market (bi = 0.93, p <0.0001). The SRI investor adds a third criterion to the risk and return trade-off of traditional portfolio theory. This constraint is social performance. The research suggests that managers of SRI equity mutual funds may diminish value by using social and ethical criteria to select stocks, but add value by superior stock selection. The result is that the performance of SRI mutual funds is very similar to that of the market. There was no difference in the value added among secular SRI, religious SRI, and vice screens.
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Despite the long history of Muslims in Russia, most scholarly and political literatures on Russia’s Islam still narrowly interpret Muslim-Slavs relations in an ethnic-religious oppositional framework. In my work, I examine Russia’s discourse on Islam to argue that, in fact, the role of Islam in post-Soviet Russia is complex. Drawing from direct sources from academic, state, journalistic, and underground circles, often neglected by Western commentators, I identify ideational patterns in conceptualizations of Islam and reconstruct relational networks among authors. To explain complex intertextual relations within specific contexts, I utilize an analytically eclectic method that appropriately combines theories from different paradigms and/or disciplines. Thanks to my multi-dimensional approach, I show that, contrary to traditional views, Russia’s Muslims participate in processes of post-Soviet Russia’s identity formation. Starting from textual contents, avoiding pre-formed analytical frames, I argue that many Muslims in Russia perceive themselves as part of Russian civilization – even when they challenge the status-quo. Building on my initial findings, I state that a key element in Russia’s conceptualization of Islam is the definition, elaborated in the 1990s, of traditional Islam as part of Russian civilizational history, as opposed to extremist Islam as extraneous, hostile phenomenon. The differentiation creates an unprecedently safe, if confined, space for Islamic propositions, of which Muslims are taking advantage. Embedded in debates on Russian civilization, conceptualizations of Islam, then, influence Russia’s (geo)political self-perceptions and, consequently, its domestic and international policies. In particular, Russian so-far neglected Islamic doctrine supports views of Islamic terrorism as a political and not religious phenomenon. Hence, Russia interprets both terrorism and counterterrorism within its own historical tradition, causing its strategy to be at odds with Western views. Less apparently, these divergences affect Russian-U.S. broader relations. Finally, in revealing the civilizational value of Russia’s Islam, I expose intellectual relations among influential subjects who share the aim to devise a new civilizational model that should combine Slavic and non-Slavic, Orthodox and Islamic, Western, and Asian components. In this old Russian dilemma, the novelty is Muslims’ participation.
Resumo:
This study examined the relationship between the Turkish Islamic movements and the present government of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi, AK Party). Since the AK Party came to power in 2002 it implemented unparalleled political reforms and pursued to improve Turkey’s relations with the EU. Opponents argued that because of the dominance of the secular military in Turkish politics, the AK Party is forced to secretly advance its Islamic agenda using the language and symbolism of democracy and human rights. This study argued that the ideas of the AK Party show similarities with the “Ottomanist” thought of the late Ottoman era. With special reference to the preservation of the Ottoman State, Ottomanism in an eclectic way was able to incorporate Islamic principles like freedom, justice and consultation into the political arena which was increasingly dominated by the secular European concepts. Literature on Islam and politics in Turkey, however, disregards the Ottoman roots of freedom and pluralism and tends to reduce the relationship between religion and state into exclusively confrontational struggles. This conceptualization of the political process relies on particular non-Turkish Muslim experiences which do not necessarily represent Islam’s venture in Turkey. Contrary to the prevailing scholarship, Islamic movements in Turkey, namely, Naqshbandi, National View and Nur, which are discussed in detail in this study, are not monolithic. They all uphold the same creedal tenets of Islam but they have sharp differences in terms of how they conceptualize the role of religious agency in politics. I argue that this diversity is a result of three distinct methodologies of Islamic religious life which are the Tariqah (Tarikat), Shariah (Şeriat), and Haqiqah (Hakikat). The differences between these three approaches represent a typological hierarchy in the formation of the Muslim/believer as an agent of Islamic identity. Through these different if not conflicting modes, the AK Party reconnected itself with Turkey’s Ottoman heritage in a post-Ottoman, secular setting and was able to develop an eclectic political identity of Neo-Ottomanism that is evident in the flexibility if not inconsistency of its domestic and foreign policy preferences.
Resumo:
This study compares the status of women under the secular government of the Pahlavi Dynasty with the Islamic Republic of Iran. It relies on Hisham Sharabi's theory of neopatriarchal society and Fatima Mernissi's psychological analysis of the dynamics of gender relations in Islam. Both the Pahlavi dynasty and the Islamic regime promoted a perception of women's rights which were conducive to the ideologies of secularism and Islamism. Both regimes, however, worked within the framework of a patriarchal society by instituting policies that were misogynous in nature. This study found that the majority of Iran's female population was not greatly affected by the overthrow of the Pahlavi dynasty and the subsequent implementation of the Islamic regime. The basis of this argument lies in the fact that despite the contrasting ideologies of both governments, where women's issues are concerned, the patriarchal social structure remained virtually intact.
Resumo:
During the Mid-Pleistocene Transition (MPT), the dominant glacial-interglacial cyclicity as inferred from the marine d18O records of benthic foraminifera (d18Obenthic) changed from 41 kyr to 100 kyr years in the absence of a comparable change in orbital forcing. Currently, only two Mg/Ca-derived, high-resolution bottom water temperature (BWT) records exist that can be used with d18Obenthic records to separate temperature and ice volume signals over the Pleistocene. However, these two BWT records suggest a different pattern of climate change occurred over the MPT-a record from North Atlantic DSDP Site 607 suggests BWT decreased with no long-term trend in ice volume over the MPT, while South Pacific ODP Site 1123 suggests that BWT has been relatively stable over the last 1.5 Myr but that there was an abrupt increase in ice volume at ~900 kyr. In this paper we attempt to reconcile these two views of climate change across the MPT. Specifically, we investigated the suggestion that the secular BWT trend obtained from Mg/Ca measurements on Cibicidoides wuellerstorfi and Oridorsalis umbonatus species from N. Atlantic Site 607 is biased by the possible influence of D[CO3]2- on Mg/Ca values in these species by generating a low-resolution BWT record using Uvigerina spp., a genus whose Mg/Ca values are not thought to be influenced by D[CO3]2-. We find a long-term BWT cooling of ~2-3°C occurred from 1500 to ~500 kyr in the N. Atlantic, consistent with the previously generated C. wuellerstorfi and O. umbonatus BWT record. We also find that changes in ocean circulation likely influenced d18Obenthic, BWT, and d18Oseawater records across the MPT. N. Atlantic BWT cooling starting at ~1.2 Ma, presumably driven by high-latitude cooling, may have been a necessary precursor to a threshold response in climate-ice sheet behavior at ~900 ka. At that point, a modest increase in ice volume and thermohaline reorganization may have caused enhanced sensitivity to the 100 kyr orbital cycle.
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This thesis aims to analyze the cross exhibition in sessions halls and audiences of the judiciary, considered the religious freedom and the limitations arising from the idea of State neutrality. It is known that the 1988 Constitution protects freedom of expression of thought, conscience and religion, in its various aspects, proclaiming, on the other hand, the neutrality of the state, to reinforce these same freedoms. Thus, the aim is to avoid confusion between state and religion, admitted, however, collaboration of public interest, in respect of attitude to the beliefs and individual choices of citizens. In modern societies, the dualism between the civil power and religion has to do with laicity and a broader phenomenon that took the name of secularism, meaning the loss of space of religion in societies or even decreased idea religious belonging. It is based on this finding that the work develops with reference to concepts such as civil society and rule of law relevant to an accurate understanding of the problem. The methodology consists of bibliographic and documentary research through books and thesis, in addition to the legislation and some precedents related to the topic in question, looking to investigate whether, even though the predominantly Catholic Brazilian people and recognized the strong influence that Christian values exercise on the public authorities, it is possible to sustain the symbolic differentiation state, a republic that is said secular and democratic and which has as one of the fundamental objectives to promote the good of all, without any form of discrimination. Starting from the idea that the presence in buildings and public institutions, symbols and Catholic imagery, like the crucifix, has some difficulty in reconciling the guarantee of religious freedom and the principle of laicity, the idea is to exactly propose a solution who can respect pluralism and diversity in a context where Catholicism remains a strong presence.
Resumo:
In September 2008 several cores (68 cm-115 cm length) (water depth: 93 m) were retrieved from Lake Nam Co (southern-central Tibetan Plateau; 4718 m a.s.l.). This study focuses on the interpretation of high-resolution (partly 0.2 cm) data from three gravity cores and the upper part of a 10.4 m long piston core, i.e., the past 4000 cal BP in terms of lake level changes, hydrological variations in the catchment area and consequently variations in monsoon strength. A wide spectrum of sedimentological, geochemical and mineralogical investigations was carried out. Results are presented for XRF core-scans, grain size distribution, XRD-measurements and SEM-image analyses. These data are complemented by an age-depth model using 210Pb and 137Cs analyses as well as eleven AMS-14C-ages. This model is supported by excellent agreement between secular variations determined on one of the gravity cores to geomagnetic field models. This is a significant improvement of the chronology as most catchments of lacustrine systems on the Tibetan Plateau contain carbonates resulting in an unknown reservoir effect for radiocarbon dates. The good correlation of our record to the geomagnetic field models confirms our age-depth model and indicates only insignificant changes in the reservoir effect throughout the last 4 ka. High (summer-) monsoonal activity, i.e. moist environmental conditions, was detected in our record between approximately 4000 and 1950 cal BP as well as between 1480 and 1200 cal BP. Accordingly, lower monsoon activity prevails in periods between the two intervals and thereafter. This pattern shows a good correlation to the variability of the Indian Ocean Summer Monsoon (IOSM) as recorded in a peat bog ~1000 km in NE direction from Lake Nam Co. This is the first time that such a supra regional homogenous monsoon activity is shown on the Tibetan Plateau and beyond. Finally our data show a significant lake level rise after the Little Ice Age (LIA) in Lake Nam Co which is suggested to be linked to glacier melting in consequence of rising temperatures occurring on the whole Tibetan Plateau during this time.
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Paleomagnetic data including inclination, declination, MAD values and MDF are given on an event correct composite depth (ECCD) and age for the composite lacustrine record TAN12-2 from Lake Tangra Yumco, Tibetan Plateau.
Resumo:
A high-resolution paleomagnetic and rock magnetic study has been carried out on sediment cores collected in glaciomarine silty-clay sequences from the continental shelf and slope of the southern Storfjorden trough-mouth fan, on the northwestern Barents Sea continental margin. The Storfjorden sedimentary system was investigated during the SVAIS and EGLACOM cruises, when 10 gravity cores, with a variable length from 1.03 m to 6.41 m, were retrieved. Accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS) 14C analyses on 24 samples indicate that the cores span a time interval that includes the Holocene, the last deglaciation phase and in some cores the last glacial maximum. The sediments carry a well-defined characteristic remanent magnetization and have a valuable potential to reconstruct the paleosecular variation (PSV) of the geomagnetic field, including relative paleointensity (RPI) variations. The paleomagnetic data allow reconstruction of past dynamics and amplitude of the geomagnetic field variations at high northern latitudes (75°-76° N). At the same time, the rock magnetic and paleomagnetic data allow a high-resolution correlation of the sedimentary sequences and a refinement of their preliminary age models. The Holocene PSV and RPI records appear particularly sound, since they are consistent between cores and they can be correlated to the closest regional stacking curves (UK PSV, FENNOSTACK and FENNORPIS) and global geomagnetic model for the last 7 ka (CALS7k.2). The computed amplitude of secular variation is lower than that outlined by some geomagnetic field models, suggesting that it has been almost independent from latitude during the Holocene.
Resumo:
Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar sob quais aspectos se dá a interação entre mídia e religião, bem como as tensões ou continuidades que a aproximação do ‘sagrado’ com o ‘profano’ na sociedade midiatizada evoca. Para tal, elegemos como objeto de estudo a participação dos artistas evangélicos no Programa Esquenta!, exibido nas tardes de domingo, pela Rede Globo. Tomamos como referencial teórico os conceitos de cultura gospel, de midiatização, especialmente o conceito de bios midiático, e a discussão sobre secularização proposta por Habermas. A metodologia empregada prevê duas etapas. A primeira consiste numa uma análise de conteúdo de cinco edições do programa que contaram com a participação de artistas evangélicos, exibidas nos anos de 2013 e 2014. Nesse momento, o objetivo foi perceber o lugar que a música gospel ocupa dentro da proposta do programa. A segunda etapa consiste na realização de dois grupos de discussão, um formado por evangélicos e o outro por não-evangélicos, para compreender como os conteúdos religiosos deslocados de seu contexto original são ressignificados pela audiência. Resulta desta pesquisa a observação de que a participação dos artistas gospel no Esquenta! oferece novos modos de olhar que ampliam o conceito de cultura gospel, bem como legitima a mídia como lugar de experiência religiosa. Além disso, ilustra a perspectiva habermasiana ao refletir a dupla afetação entre universo religioso e vida secular, que emerge do entrecruzamento entre mídia e religião.
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Ao estudarmos a evolução histórica e o panorama atual do ensino religioso no Brasil, nos deparamos hoje com o problema da exclusão mútua de duas visões do seu tratamento na escola pública: ou deve existir o ensino religioso confessional ou não deve existir nenhum tipo de ensino religioso. Superando uma visão de laicidade de abstenção ao afirmar que o religioso, por definição, não nos diz respeito ou não diz respeito à ciência, e admitindo uma laicidade de inteligência ao defender que é nosso dever ou dever da ciência compreendê-lo como expressão humana e social, o ensino do fenômeno religioso pode superar essas duas visões, a partir de uma base epistemológica sólida para esta área de conhecimento, como já é prevista pela nossa legislação. Ele garante o respeito à diversidade e à pluralidade cultural da sociedade brasileira e contribui para a compreensão do fenômeno religioso como “objeto de cultura”. Ele é capaz de subsidiar práticas de ensino do fenômeno religioso no sistema de ensino laico, sem prejuízo de sua laicidade, mas a favor dela. A educação laica para a cidadania não pode ignorar as religiões pela sua forte presença e função na sociedade. É preciso decodificar criticamente as representações e práticas religiosas em nome da convivência mais construtiva entre as pessoas e extrair das tradições religiosas valores que contribuam para a vida humana na sua plenitude. Este modelo de ensinar a religião como fenômeno antropológico, social e cultural pode ainda cumprir uma função específica no que se refere ao conhecimento de si mesmo (identidade) e do outro para a aceitação do diferente (alteridade) apontando para a construção de valores éticos e de cidadania. Esta pesquisa se baseia em um grande levantamento bibliográfico e entrevistas com especialistas em laicidade e ensino do religioso a partir da proposta de Régis Debray adotada na França. Ela nos leva a concluir que o ensino do fenômeno religioso na escola pública do Brasil não é apenas necessário, mas até indispensável, se queremos uma educação que contribua para a formação dos nossos alunos e alunas para a convivência solidária.
Resumo:
Reconhecendo, a partir da constatação empírica, a multiplicidade de escolhas de crenças no Mundo e em particular na periferia urbana paulistana, reconhecemos, também, a emergência criativa de novas possibilidades de crer e não crer. Tal amplitude não apenas aponta para o crer (segundo as ofertas de um sem número de religiões) e o não crer (ateu e agnóstico), mas para uma escolha que poderia vir a ser silenciada e esquecida, neste binômio arcaico e obsoleto, quando alguém se dá à liberdade crer sem ter religião. Reconhecer interessadamente os sem-religião nas periferias urbanas paulistanas é dar-se conta das violências a que estes indivíduos estão submetidos: violência econômica, violência da cidadania (vulnerabilidade) e proveniente da armas (grupos x Estado). Tanto quanto a violência do esquecimento e silenciamento. A concomitância espaço-temporal dos sem-religião nas periferias, levou-nos buscar referências em teorias de secularização e de laicidade, e, a partir destas, traçar uma história do poder violento, cuja pretensão é a inelutabilidade, enquanto suas fissuras são abertas em espaços de resistências. A história da legitimação do poder que se quer único, soberano, de caráter universal, enquanto fragmenta a sociedade em indivíduos atomizados, fragilizando vínculos horizontais, e a dos surgimentos de resistências não violentas questionadoras da totalidade trágica, ao reconhecer a liberdade de ser com autonomia, enquanto se volta para a produção de partilha de bens comuns. Propomos reconhecer a igual liberdade de ser (expressa na crença da filiação divina) e de partilhar o bem comum em reconhecimentos mútuos (expressa pela ação social), uma expressão de resistência não violenta ao poder que requer a igual abdicação da liberdade pela via da fragmentação individualizante e submissão inquestionável à ordem totalizante. Os sem-religião nas periferias urbanas, nossos contemporâneos, partilhariam uma tal resistência, ao longo da história, com as melissas gregas, os profetas messiânicos hebreus, os hereges cristãos e os ateus modernos, cuja pretensão não é o poder, mas a partilha igual da liberdade e dos bens comuns. Estes laicos, de fato, seriam agentes de resistências de reconhecimento mútuos, em espaços de multiplicidade crescente, ao poder violento real na história.