870 resultados para Unintended consequences
Resumo:
Negotiations between the US and the European Union (EU) on a joint free-trade agreement began in July 2013. The economies involved are hoping for more intense trade activities, stronger economic growth and higher employment rates. A current study of the ifo Institut commissioned by the Bertelsmann Stiftung shows that these expectations would be met. For most other countries in the world, however, this would result in welfare loss. In the following we sketch some of the possible economic consequences of a comprehensive transatlantic free-trade agreement for the Asian region.
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If the United Kingdom (UK) exits the EU in 2018, it would reduce that country’s exports and make imports more ex-pensive. Depending on the extent of trade policy isolation, the UK’s real gross domestic product (GDP) per capita would be between 0.6 and 3.0 percent lower in the year 2030 than if the country remained in the EU. If we take into ac-count the dynamic effects that economic integration has on investment and innovation behavior, the GDP losses could rise to 14 percent. In addition, it will bring unforeseeable political disadvantages for the EU – so from our perspective, we must avoid a Brexit.
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Although they are not the deciding factor, the Western financial sanctions are nevertheless an important factor affecting the deteriorating economic situation in Russia. They have significantly undermined the opportunities which Russian companies have to attract foreign capital, thus contributing to the deterioration of their financial condition (which is particularly prominent in the case of energy firms subject to sanctions). Therefore, Russian businesses need more support from the state. However, this support is becoming more difficult due to the dramatic fall in oil prices – revenues from oil exports are the main source of budget revenue.
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On 9 May 2016, in a further attempt to discourage the British public opinion from opting for their country’s abandonment of the European Union (EU) in the ‘in/out’ referendum on 23 June, Prime Minister David Cameron stated that the UK has regretted "turning its back" on Europe in the past, and that the EU had "helped reconcile" countries and maintain peace on the Old Continent.
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Recent publications allow us to conclude that the economic relations between Germany and Central Europe have come to the ‘end of history’, and nothing new will happen. However, a deeper analysis of these relationships reveals interesting new trends. Since joining the European Union the states of Central Europe have not settled for maintaining the average level of economic development, but have continued to narrow the distance between them and Western Europe, something which the global financial crisis did not prevent. Their improved economic situation also affected their relations with Germany. The latest results from the Visegrád Group states show them to be Germany’s most important trading partner, and their balance of trade in goods is in a state of equilibrium, while many euro area countries have recorded high trade deficits with Germany. The aim of this report is to display the trends in trade and investment between Germany and Central Europe, based on the example of the Visegrád Group. The author will also attempt to answer the question of whether the advancing economic cooperation between Germany and the V4 countries will lead to the further modernisation of those countries’ economies, or whether it will run the risk of leaving them in the ‘middle income trap’.
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Since mid-2015 Turkey has been affected by a deep internal crisis, caused by rising political polarisation, increased levels of terrorist threat (posed by the Kurds and Islamic radicals) and the revived conflict with the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK). As a consequence of this crisis, over 350,000 residents of south-eastern Turkey have been forced to leave their homes. At the same time, due to the migration crisis and despite mutual distrust in relations between Turkey and the EU, cooperation between Ankara and Brussels has been intensifying. Turkey’s ongoing destabilisation does not challenge the status of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), which is de facto controlled by President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan; paradoxically, it strengthens the party. The internal crisis which the authorities have been deliberately fuelling is an element of a plan to rubber-stamp political change by introducing a presidential system of government. This is happening amid a thorough reconstruction of the socio-political order which has been underway for over a decade. In the upcoming months it is expected to result in the constitution being changed and, as a consequence, the institutionalisation of Erdoğan’s autocratic rule.
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Sickle cell anemia (SCA) is an autosomal recessive chronic hemolytic anemia, caused by homozygosity for the HBB:c.20A>T mutation. The disease presents with high clinical heterogeneity, stroke being the most devastating manifestation. This study aimed to identify genetic modulators of severe hemolysis and stroke risk in children with SCA, as well as understand their consequences at the hemorheological level. Sixty-six children with SCA were categorised according to their degree of cerebral vasculopathy (Stroke/Risk/Control). Relevant data were collected from patients’ medical records. Several polymorphic regions in genes related to vascular cell adhesion and tonus were characterized by molecular methodologies. Data analyses were performed using R software. Several in silico tools (e.g. TFBind, MatInspector) were applied to investigate the main variant consequences. Some genetic variants in vascular adhesion molecule-1 gene promoter and endothelial nitric oxide synthase gene were associated with higher levels of hemolysis and stroke events. They modify important transcription factor binding sites or disturb the corresponding protein structure/function. Our findings emphasize the relevance of the genetic variants in modulating the degree of hemolysis and development of cerebral vasculopathy due to their effect on gene expression, modification of protein biological activities related with erythrocyte/endothelial interactions and consequent hemorheological abnormalities in SCA.
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Abstract of the poster presented at the First international Congress of CiiEM “From Basic Sciences to Clinical Research”, 27-28 November 2015, Egas Moniz, Caparica, Portugal.
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The idea behind the reputational measure for assessing power of political actors is that actors involved in a decision-making process have the best view of their fellows' power. There has been, however, no systematic examination of why actors consider other actors as powerful. Consequently, it is unclear whether reputational power measures what it ought to. The paper analyzes the determinants of power attribution and distinguishes intended from unintended determinants in a data-set of power assessment covering 10 political decision-making processes in Switzerland. Results are overall reassuring, but nevertheless point toward self-promotion or misperception biases, as informants systematically attribute more power to actors with whom they collaborate.
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Most of the policy debate surrounding the actions needed to mitigate and adapt to anthropogenic climate change has been framed by observations of the past 150 years as well as climate and sea-level projections for the twenty-first century. The focus on this 250-year window, however, obscures some of the most profound problems associated with climate change. Here, we argue that the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, a period during which the overwhelming majority of human-caused carbon emissions are likely to occur, need to be placed into a long-term context that includes the past 20 millennia, when the last Ice Age ended and human civilization developed, and the next ten millennia, over which time the projected impacts of anthropogenic climate change will grow and persist. This long-term perspective illustrates that policy decisions made in the next few years to decades will have profound impacts on global climate, ecosystems and human societies — not just for this century, but for the next ten millennia and beyond.
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Background/Aims: The simultaneous use of alcohol and cannabis is common among adolescents, but has been little studied. In this study, we examine predictors and consequences of this behavior in a population-based sample of high school students. Method: Self-reports were obtained from students in Quebec (Canada) followed throughout high school (N=6589). Logistic regressions were used to test the association between individual, family, and peerrelated predictors in grades 7–8 and simultaneous alcohol and cannabis use in grade 10, as well as between simultaneous alcohol and cannabis use in grade 10 and experiencing 3 or more substance-related problems of various types (legal, physical, etc.) in grade 11. Results: Most predictors in grades 7–8 were associated with simultaneous alcohol and cannabis use in grade 10. Only variables reflecting early-onset substance use involvement — alcohol intoxication, cannabis use, and drug use by close friend(s) — remained predictive in a multivariate model. Simultaneous alcohol and cannabis use was associated with increased substance-related problems in grade 11, above and beyond baseline problems and the concurrent use of the two substances in separate episodes in grade 10. Conclusions: Simultaneous alcohol and cannabis use 1) is anticipated by multiple psychosocial risk factors which come together with individual and peer substance use in early high school and 2) is independently predictive of subsequent substance-related problems. Providing adolescents with adequate information regarding the potential harm of simultaneous use may be a useful prevention strategy.
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Mode of access: Internet.