928 resultados para Ultimate reality


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Curriculum innovation is challenging and, as several commentators have reported, moves to introduce communicative language teaching in many contexts internationally have resulted in mixed outcomes, or even failure. In an effort to shed some light on this complex problem, this article focuses on curriculum change through the introduction of new communicative textbooks in an engineering college (kosen) in Japan. First, three key factors that inhibit change are considered and then other factors that specifically hindered change in the kosen environment are identified. A study investigating the attitudes and classroom practices of four Japanese teachers of English highlighted a culture of pedagogical uncertainty and lack of professional support. Suggestions for supporting teachers to implement curriculum change more effectively, both in Japan and elsewhere, are drawn out.

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Доклад, поместен в сборника на Националната конференция "Образованието в информационното общество", Пловдив, май, 2012 г.

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Report published in the Proceedings of the National Conference on "Education and Research in the Information Society", Plovdiv, May, 2014

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Report published in the Proceedings of the National Conference on "Education and Research in the Information Society", Plovdiv, May, 2016

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Augmented reality is the latest among information technologies in modern electronics industry. The essence is in the addition of advanced computer graphics in real and/or digitized images. This paper gives a brief analysis of the concept and the approaches to implementing augmented reality for an expanded presentation of a digitized object of national cultural and/or scientific heritage. ACM Computing Classification System (1998): H.5.1, H.5.3, I.3.7.

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A szerzők feltáró kutatásukban munkavállaló-barát szervezeti megoldásokat kerestek és vizsgáltak multiparadigmikus (Primecz, 2008) megközelítéssel, kritikai és funkcionalista szemszögből. Munkavállalóbarát szervezeti gyakorlatnak tekintették azokat a szervezeti kultúrában gyökerező szervezeti kereteket és gyakorlatokat, amelyek nagymértékben támogatják a munkavállalókat a munka és magánélet egyensúlyának elérésében és megtartásában (Toarniczky et al., 2011). Eredményeik szerint a munkavállaló-barát gyakorlatokat akkor értékelik legjobban a szervezeti tagok, ha a közvetlen vezető és kollégák jól értik a támogatandó munkavállaló helyzetét és rugalmasan fordítják le a hétköznapokra a HR-rendszereket. Ezzel együtt több feszültség keletkezik a szervezetben a munkavállaló-barát gyakorlatokban, amelyekre figyelni lehetne, anélkül, hogy a kialakított gyakorlatokat felszámolnák. _____ The authors in their research investigated employee friendly practices, which they defined as frameworks and practices rooted in organisational culture that gives maximum support for employees trying to reach and keep balance between work and private life (Toarniczky et al., 2011) through multiparadigm research (Primecz, 2008). They conducted exploratory research (interviews, focus groups, document-analysis, and questionnaire) at ten Hungarian-based organizations, and they investigated employee friendly work practices through functionalist and critical lenses. Their results shows that employee friendly practices work well, when the immediate boss and colleagues understand the need of organization al member, who are supported, and HR procedures are translated flexibly. At the same time tension within the organization al subgroups always present, and this should be handled by the organization without cancelling employee friendly practices.

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The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) is a product of the Cold War through which its members organized their military forces for the purpose of collective defense against the common threat of Soviet-backed aggression. Employing the terminology of regime theory, the creation of NATO can be viewed as the introduction of an international security regime. Throughout the Cold War, NATO member states preserved their commitment to mutual defense while increasingly engaging in activities aimed at overcoming the division of Europe and promoting regional stability. The end of the Cold War has served as the catalyst for a new period of regime change as the Alliance introduced elements of a collective security regime by expanding its mandate to address new security challenges and reorganizing both its political and military organizational structures. ^ This research involves an interpretive analysis of NATO's evolution applying ideal theoretical constructs associated with distinct approaches to regime analysis. The process of regime change is investigated over several periods throughout the history of the Alliance in an effort to understand the Alliance's changing commitment to collective security. This research involves a review of regime theory literature, consisting of an examination of primary source documentation, including official documents and treaties, as well as a review of numerous secondary sources. This review is organized around a typology of power-based, organization-based, and norm-based approaches to regime analysis. This dissertation argues that the process of regime change within NATO is best understood by examining factors associated with multiple theoretical constructs. Relevant factors provide insights into the practice of collective security among NATO member states within Europe, while accounting for the inability of the NATO allies to build on the experience gained within Europe to play a more central role in operations outside of this region. This research contributes to a greater understanding of the nature of international regimes and the process of regime change, while offering recommendations aimed at increasing NATO's viability as a source of greater security and more meaningful international cooperation.^

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This dissertation is the first systematic study of Armenia’s foreign policy during the post-independence period, between 1991 and 2004. It argues that a small state’s foreign policy is best understood when looking at the regional level. Armenia’s geographic proximity to Iran, Russia and Turkey, places it in an area of heightened geopolitical interest by various great powers. This dissertation explores four sets of relationships with Armenia’s major historical ‘partners’: Russia, Iran, Turkey and the West (Europe and the United States). Each relationship reveals a complex reality of a continuous negotiation between ideas of history, collective memory, nationalism and geopolitics. A detailed study of Armenia’s relations with these powers demonstrates how actors’ relations of amity and enmity are formed to constitute a regional security complex. Turkey represents the ultimate “other”, while both Europe and Iran are seen as ideational “others”, whose role in Armenia’s foreign policy, aside from pragmatic policy considerations, reflects a normative quest. Russia and the United States, on the other hand, represent the powerful structural forces that define the regional security complex, in which Armenia operates. This dissertation argues that although Armenia has been severely constrained in certain foreign policy choices, it was adept at carving a space for action that privileged the issue of Nagorno-Karabakh over other geopolitical imperatives.

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Administrative reform is a challenging endeavor for both developed and developing countries alike. For developing countries, the challenge is greater because numerous reforms are implemented concurrently sometimes under conditions of resource scarcity and political instability. So far there is no consensus as to what makes some reforms succeed and others fail. The current study seeks to fill that gap by offering an empirical comparative analysis of the administrative reforms initiated in Uganda and Tanzania since the early 1990s. The purpose of the study is to explain the similarities and differences, and give reasons for the successes and failures of the reform programs in the two countries. It focuses on four major areas; the size of the civil service, pay reform, capacity building, and ethics and accountability. Data were collected via in-depth face to face interviews with 35 key government officials and the content analysis of various documents. The results indicate that the reforms generated initial substantial reduction in the size of the public services in both countries. In Uganda, the traditional civil service was reduced from 140,500 in 1990 to 41,730 in 2004; while in Tanzania Ministries, Departments, and Agencies were reduced by 25%. Pay reform has generated substantial increases in civil servants' salaries in both countries but in Uganda, the government has not been able to abide by the pay strategy while in Tanzania the strategy guides the increments. Civil Service capacity building efforts have focused on enhancing the skills of the personnel. Training needs assessments were undertaken in all ministries in Uganda and a training policy was formulated. In Tanzania, the training needs assessments are still under way and a training policy has not yet been developed. Ethics and accountability are great challenges in both countries, but in Tanzania, there is more political will and commitment to improve the integrity of the civil service. The findings reveal that although Uganda started the reform with much more rigor and initial success, Tanzania has surpassed it and has a more stable, consistent, and promising reform record. This is because Uganda's leadership lacks political legitimacy. The country has since the late 1990s experienced a civil war in the northern and western parts of the country while Tanzania has benefitted from relative peace and high level political legitimacy.

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Faced with the violence, criminality and insecurity now threatening peace and democratic governance in Central America, the region’s governments have decided to use the Armed Forces to carry out actions in response to criminal actions, looking to improve their performance. Although public demand for including the Armed Forces in these functions takes place within a legally legitimate framework, it is motivated by tangible circumstances such as increased levels of violence, delinquency and crime. Despite being coupled with the perception of institutional weakness within the security and judicial system (particularly police) and the recognition of prestige, efficiency, discipline and severity in fulfilling the Armed Forces’ missions, these arguments are insufficient to legitimize the use of the military as a police force. Within this context, this paper reflects on the implications or consequences of the use of the Armed Forces in duties traditionally assigned to the police in the Central American region with the goal of contributing to the debate on this topic taking place in the Americas. To achieve this end, first we will focus on understanding the actual context in which a decision is made to involve the Armed Forces in security duties in the region. Second, we will examine the effects and implications of this decision on the Armed Forces’ relations within their respective societies. Third and finally, considering this is already a reality in the region, this paper will provide recommendations. The main findings of this research, resulting from the application of an analyticaldescriptive and historically based study, are organized in three dimensions: the political dimension, by implication referring to the relationship between the ultimate political authority and the Armed Forces; the social dimension, by implication the opinion of citizens; and other implications not only affecting the structural and cultural organization of armies and police but also the complementary operational framework within a context of comprehensive response by the State. As a main conclusion, it poses there is an environment conducive to the use of the Armed Forces in citizen’s security, in view of the impact of threats provoked by criminal structures of a military nature currently operating in Central America. However, this participation creates an inevitable social and political impact if implemented in isolation or given a political leading role and/or operational autonomy. This participation poses risks to the institutions of the Armed Forces and the police as well. Finally, this paper identifies an urgent need for the Armed Forces’ role to be more clearly defined with regard to security matters, limiting it to threats that impact States’ governability and existence. Nonetheless, Central American States should seek a COMPREHENSIVE response to current crime and violence, using all necessary institutions to confront these challenges, but with defined roles and responsibilities for each and dynamic coordination to complement their actions.

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This dissertation is the first systematic study of Armenia’s foreign policy during the post-independence period, between 1991 and 2004. It argues that a small state’s foreign policy is best understood when looking at the regional level. Armenia’s geographic proximity to Iran, Russia and Turkey, places it in an area of heightened geopolitical interest by various great powers. This dissertation explores four sets of relationships with Armenia’s major historical ‘partners’: Russia, Iran, Turkey and the West (Europe and the United States). Each relationship reveals a complex reality of a continuous negotiation between ideas of history, collective memory, nationalism and geopolitics. A detailed study of Armenia’s relations with these powers demonstrates how actors’ relations of amity and enmity are formed to constitute a regional security complex. Turkey represents the ultimate “other”, while both Europe and Iran are seen as ideational “others”, whose role in Armenia’s foreign policy, aside from pragmatic policy considerations, reflects a normative quest. Russia and the United States, on the other hand, represent the powerful structural forces that define the regional security complex, in which Armenia operates. This dissertation argues that although Armenia has been severely constrained in certain foreign policy choices, it was adept at carving a space for action that privileged the issue of Nagorno-Karabakh over other geopolitical imperatives.

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A major and growing problems faced by modern society is the high production of waste and related effects they produce, such as environmental degradation and pollution of various ecosystems, with direct effects on quality of life. The thermal treatment technologies have been widely used in the treatment of these wastes and thermal plasma is gaining importance in processing blanketing. This work is focused on developing an optimized system of supervision and control applied to a processing plant and petrochemical waste effluents using thermal plasma. The system is basically composed of a inductive plasma torch reactors washing system / exhaust gases and RF power used to generate plasma. The process of supervision and control of the plant is of paramount importance in the development of the ultimate goal. For this reason, various subsidies were created in the search for greater efficiency in the process, generating events, graphics / distribution and storage of data for each subsystem of the plant, process execution, control and 3D visualization of each subsystem of the plant between others. A communication platform between the virtual 3D plant architecture and a real control structure (hardware) was created. The goal is to use the concepts of mixed reality and develop strategies for different types of controls that allow manipulating 3D plant without restrictions and schedules, optimize the actual process. Studies have shown that one of the best ways to implement the control of generation inductively coupled plasma techniques is to use intelligent control, both for their efficiency in the results is low for its implementation, without requiring a specific model. The control strategy using Fuzzy Logic (Fuzzy-PI) was developed and implemented, and the results showed satisfactory condition on response time and viability

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Shadows and illumination play an important role when generating a realistic scene in computer graphics. Most of the Augmented Reality (AR) systems track markers placed in a real scene and retrieve their position and orientation to serve as a frame of reference for added computer generated content, thereby producing an augmented scene. Realistic depiction of augmented content with coherent visual cues is a desired goal in many AR applications. However, rendering an augmented scene with realistic illumination is a complex task. Many existent approaches rely on a non automated pre-processing phase to retrieve illumination parameters from the scene. Other techniques rely on specific markers that contain light probes to perform environment lighting estimation. This study aims at designing a method to create AR applications with coherent illumination and shadows, using a textured cuboid marker, that does not require a training phase to provide lighting information. Such marker may be easily found in common environments: most of product packaging satisfies such characteristics. Thus, we propose a way to estimate a directional light configuration using multiple texture tracking to render AR scenes in a realistic fashion. We also propose a novel feature descriptor that is used to perform multiple texture tracking. Our descriptor is an extension of the binary descriptor, named discrete descriptor, and outperforms current state-of-the-art methods in speed, while maintaining their accuracy.