977 resultados para TRADE STRUCTURE


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Prospective studies and intervention evaluations that examine change over time assume that measurement tools measure the same construct at each occasion. In the area of parent-child feeding practices, longitudinal measurement properties of the questionnaires used are rarely verified. To ascertain that measured change in feeding practices reflects true change rather than change in the assessment, structure, or conceptualisation of the constructs over time, this study examined longitudinal measurement invariance of the Feeding Practices and Structure Questionnaire (FPSQ) subscales (9 constructs; 40 items) across 3 time points. Mothers participating in the NOURISH trial reported their feeding practices when children were aged 2, 3.7, and 5 years (N = 404). Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA) within a structural equation modelling framework was used. Comparisons of initial cross-sectional models followed by longitudinal modelling of subscales, resulted in the removal of 12 items, including two redundant or poorly performing subscales. The resulting 28-item FPSQ-28 comprised 7 multi-item subscales: Reward for Behaviour, Reward for Eating, Persuasive Feeding, Overt Restriction, Covert Restriction, Structured Meal Setting and Structured Meal Timing. All subscales showed good fit over 3 time points and each displayed at least partial scalar (thresholds equal) longitudinal measurement invariance. We recommend the use of a separate single item indicator to assess the family meal setting. This is the first study to examine longitudinal measurement invariance in a feeding practices questionnaire. Invariance was established, indicating that the subscales of the shortened FPSQ-28 can be used with mothers to validly assess change in 7 feeding constructs in samples of children aged 2-5 years of age.

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allo-4-Hydroxy-L-proline crystallizes from an aqueous solution as the dihydrate. The crystals are orthorhombic, space group P212121, with a=7.08 (2), b=22.13 (3), c= 5"20 (2) A,. The structure was solved by direct methods and refined by block-diagonal least squares. The final R for 733 observed reflexions is 0.054. The molecule exists as a zwitterion with hydroxyl and carboxyl groups cis to the pyrrolidine ring. The latter is puckered at the fl-carbon atom, which deviates by -0.54 A, from the best plane formed by the four remaining atoms. The molecules are held together by a network of hydrogen bonds, the water molecules playing a dominant role in the stability of the structure.

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MANY cyclic peptides have interesting biological functions and the details of their molecular structure and conformation have been the subject of extensive investigations. Cyclic dipeptides such as diketopiperazine have been synthesised and shown to occur with the peptide units in the cis configuration1,2. In the case of a tripeptide, cyclisation can take place only if all three units are in the cis configuration3. In cyclic peptides with four units also, cis peptides are found4,5. As the number of the peptide units increases, the more stable trans configuration is generally more common6,7. We report here the main results of our X-ray crystallographic investigations of the cyclic tripeptides L-Pro-L-Pro-L-Pro and L-Pro-L-Pro-L-Hyp (hereafter called CTP 1 and CTP 2, respectively). CTP 1 was synthesised by Rothe et al. 8 and its derivatives have been prepared by Blout and his collaborators9.

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A detailed crystallographic investigation of N-methylacetamide complexes of Li, Na, K, Mg and Ca has been made in view of its importance in the coordination chemistry and biochemistry of alkali and alkaline earth metals. The metal ions bind to the amide oxygen causing an increase in the carbonyl distance and a proportionate decrease in the central C-N bond distance. The decrease in the central C-N distance is accompanied by an increase in the distance of the adjacent C-C bond and a decrease in the adjacent C-N bond distance. The metal ion generally deviates from the direction of the lone pair of the carbonyl oxygen and also from the plane of the peptide, the out-of-plane deviation varying with the ionic potential of the cation. The metal-oxygen distance in alkali and alkaline earth metal complexes of a given coordination number also varies with the ionic potential of the cation, as does the strength of binding of the cations to the amide. The amide molecules are essentially planar in these complexes, as expected from the increased bond order of the central C-N bond. The NH bonds of the amide are generally hydrogen bonded to anions. The structures of the amide complexes are compared with those of other oxygen donor complexes of alkali and alkaline earth metals. The structural study described here also provides a basis for the interpretation of results from spectroscopic and theoretical investigations of the interaction of alkali and alkaline earth metal cations with amides.

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The crystal and molecular structure of the title compound (1) has been determined by the heavy-atom method from 1038 observed three-dimensional photographic data. Crystals are orthorhombic, with a = 20.07 ± 0.02, b= 10.05 ± 0.02, c= 7.31 ± 0.01 Å, space group P212121, with Z= 4. The structure was refined by block diagonal leastsquares to R 0.099. The conformation of the norbornane moiety is discussed. The seven-membered ring portion of the molecule adopts an approximate chair conformation. The packing of the molecules in the crystal is mainly a consequence of van der Waals interactions.

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There has been much controversy over the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) – a plurilateral trade agreement involving a dozen nations from throughout the Pacific Rim – and its impact upon the environment, biodiversity, and climate change. The secretive treaty negotiations involve Australia and New Zealand; countries from South East Asia such as Brunei Darussalam, Malaysia, Singapore, Vietnam, and Japan; the South American nations of Peru and Chile; and the members of the 1994 North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), Canada, Mexico and the United States. There was an agreement reached between the parties in October 2015. The participants asserted: ‘We expect this historic agreement to promote economic growth, support higher-paying jobs; enhance innovation, productivity and competitiveness; raise living standards; reduce poverty in our countries; and to promote transparency, good governance, and strong labor and environmental protections.’ The final texts of the agreement were published in November 2015. There has been discussion as to whether other countries – such as Indonesia, the Philippines, and South Korea – will join the deal. There has been much debate about the impact of this proposed treaty upon intellectual property, the environment, biodiversity and climate change. There have been similar concerns about the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) – a proposed trade agreement between the United States and the European Union. In 2011, the United States Trade Representative developed a Green Paper on trade, conservation, and the environment in the context of the TPP. In its rhetoric, the United States Trade Representative has maintained that it has been pushing for strong, enforceable environmental standards in the TPP. In a key statement in 2014, the United States Trade Representative Mike Froman insisted: ‘The United States’ position on the environment in the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations is this: environmental stewardship is a core American value, and we will insist on a robust, fully enforceable environment chapter in the TPP or we will not come to agreement.’ The United States Trade Representative maintained: ‘Our proposals in the TPP are centered around the enforcement of environmental laws, including those implementing multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) in TPP partner countries, and also around trailblazing, first-ever conservation proposals that will raise standards across the region’. Moreover, the United States Trade Representative asserted: ‘Furthermore, our proposals would enhance international cooperation and create new opportunities for public participation in environmental governance and enforcement.’ The United States Trade Representative has provided this public outline of the Environment Chapter of the TPP: A meaningful outcome on environment will ensure that the agreement appropriately addresses important trade and environment challenges and enhances the mutual supportiveness of trade and environment. The Trans-Pacific Partnership countries share the view that the environment text should include effective provisions on trade-related issues that would help to reinforce environmental protection and are discussing an effective institutional arrangement to oversee implementation and a specific cooperation framework for addressing capacity building needs. They also are discussing proposals on new issues, such as marine fisheries and other conservation issues, biodiversity, invasive alien species, climate change, and environmental goods and services. Mark Linscott, an assistant Trade Representative testified: ‘An environment chapter in the TPP should strengthen country commitments to enforce their environmental laws and regulations, including in areas related to ocean and fisheries governance, through the effective enforcement obligation subject to dispute settlement.’ Inside US Trade has commented: ‘While not initially expected to be among the most difficult areas, the environment chapter has emerged as a formidable challenge, partly due to disagreement over the United States proposal to make environmental obligations binding under the TPP dispute settlement mechanism’. Joshua Meltzer from the Brookings Institute contended that the trade agreement could be a boon for the protection of the environment in the Pacific Rim: Whether it is depleting fisheries, declining biodiversity or reduced space in the atmosphere for Greenhouse Gas emissions, the underlying issue is resource scarcity. And in a world where an additional 3 billion people are expected to enter the middle class over the next 15 years, countries need to find new and creative ways to cooperate in order to satisfy the legitimate needs of their population for growth and opportunity while using resources in a manner that is sustainable for current and future generations. The TPP parties already represent a diverse range of developed and developing countries. Should the TPP become a free trade agreement of the Asia-Pacific region, it will include the main developed and developing countries and will be a strong basis for building a global consensus on these trade and environmental issues. The TPP has been promoted by its proponents as a boon to the environment. The United States Trade Representative has maintained that the TPP will protect the environment: ‘The United States’ position on the environment in the TPP negotiations is this: environmental stewardship is a core American value, and we will insist on a robust, fully enforceable environment chapter in the TPP or we will not come to agreement.’ The United States Trade Representative discussed ‘Trade for a Greener World’ on World Environment Day. Andrew Robb, at the time the Australian Trade and Investment Minister, vowed that the TPP will contain safeguards for the protection of the environment. In November 2015, after the release of the TPP text, Rohan Patel, the Special Assistant to the President and Deputy Director of Intergovernmental Affairs, sought to defend the environmental credentials of the TPP. He contended that the deal had been supported by the Nature Conservancy, the International Fund for Animal Welfare, the Joint Ocean Commission Initiative, the World Wildlife Fund, and World Animal Protection. The United States Congress, though, has been conflicted by the United States Trade Representative’s arguments about the TPP and the environment. In 2012, members of the United States Congress - including Senator Ron Wyden (D-OR), Olympia Snowe (R-ME), and John Kerry (D-MA) – wrote a letter, arguing that the trade agreement needs to provide strong protection for the environment: ‘We believe that a '21st century agreement' must have an environment chapter that guarantees ongoing sustainable trade and creates jobs, and this is what American businesses and consumers want and expect also.’ The group stressed that ‘A binding and enforceable TPP environment chapter that stands up for American interests is critical to our support of the TPP’. The Congressional leaders maintained: ‘We believe the 2007 bipartisan congressional consensus on environmental provisions included in recent trade agreements should serve as the framework for the environment chapter of the TPP.’ In 2013, senior members of the Democratic leadership expressed their opposition to granting President Barack Obama a fast-track authority in respect of the TPP House of Representatives Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi said: ‘No on fast-track – Camp-Baucus – out of the question.’ Senator Majority leader Harry Reid commented: ‘I’m against Fast-Track: Everyone would be well-advised to push this right now.’ Senator Elizabeth Warren has been particularly critical of the process and the substance of the negotiations in the TPP: From what I hear, Wall Street, pharmaceuticals, telecom, big polluters and outsourcers are all salivating at the chance to rig the deal in the upcoming trade talks. So the question is, Why are the trade talks secret? You’ll love this answer. Boy, the things you learn on Capitol Hill. I actually have had supporters of the deal say to me ‘They have to be secret, because if the American people knew what was actually in them, they would be opposed. Think about that. Real people, people whose jobs are at stake, small-business owners who don’t want to compete with overseas companies that dump their waste in rivers and hire workers for a dollar a day—those people, people without an army of lobbyists—they would be opposed. I believe if people across this country would be opposed to a particular trade agreement, then maybe that trade agreement should not happen. The Finance Committee in the United States Congress deliberated over the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations in 2014. The new chair Ron Wyden has argued that there needs to be greater transparency in trade. Nonetheless, he has mooted the possibility of a ‘smart-track’ to reconcile the competing demands of the Obama Administration, and United States Congress. Wyden insisted: ‘The new breed of trade challenges spawned over the last generation must be addressed in imaginative new policies and locked into enforceable, ambitious, job-generating trade agreements.’ He emphasized that such agreements ‘must reflect the need for a free and open Internet, strong labor rights and environmental protections.’ Elder Democrat Sander Levin warned that the TPP failed to provide proper protection for the environment: The TPP parties are considering a different structure to protect the environment than the one adopted in the May 10 Agreement, which directly incorporated seven multilateral environmental agreements into the text of past trade agreements. While the form is less important than the substance, the TPP must provide an overall level of environmental protection that upholds and builds upon the May 10 standard, including fully enforceable obligations. But many of our trading partners are actively seeking to weaken the text to the point of falling short of that standard, including on key issues like conservation. Nonetheless, 2015, President Barack Obama was able to secure the overall support of the United States Congress for his ‘fast-track’ authority. This was made possible by the Republicans and dissident Democrats. Notably, Oregon Senator Ron Wyden switched sides, and was transformed from a critic of the TPP to an apologist for the TPP. For their part, green political parties and civil society organisations have been concerned about the secretive nature of the negotiations; and the substantive implications of the treaty for the environment. Environmental groups and climate advocates have been sceptical of the environmental claims made by the White House for the TPP. The Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand, the Australian Greens and the Green Party of Canada have released a joint declaration on the TPP observing: ‘More than just another trade agreement, the TPP provisions could hinder access to safe, affordable medicines, weaken local content rules for media, stifle high-tech innovation, and even restrict the ability of future governments to legislate for the good of public health and the environment’. In the United States, civil society groups such as the Sierra Club, Public Citizen, WWF, the Friends of the Earth, the Rainforest Action Network and 350.org have raised concerns about the TPP and the environment. Allison Chin, President of the Sierra Club, complained about the lack of transparency, due process, and public participation in the TPP talks: ‘This is a stealth affront to the principles of our democracy.’ Maude Barlow’s The Council of Canadians has also been concerned about the TPP and environmental justice. New Zealand Sustainability Council executive director Simon Terry said the agreement showed ‘minimal real gains for nature’. A number of organisations have joined a grand coalition of civil society organisations, which are opposed to the grant of a fast-track. On the 15th January 2013, WikiLeaks released the draft Environment Chapter of the TPP - along with a report by the Chairs of the Environmental Working Group. Julian Assange, WikiLeaks' publisher, stated: ‘Today's WikiLeaks release shows that the public sweetener in the TPP is just media sugar water.’ He observed: ‘The fabled TPP environmental chapter turns out to be a toothless public relations exercise with no enforcement mechanism.’ This article provides a critical examination of the draft Environment Chapter of the TPP. The overall argument of the article is that the Environment Chapter of the TPP is an exercise in greenwashing – it is a public relations exercise by the United States Trade Representative, rather than a substantive regime for the protection of the environment in the Pacific Rim. Greenwashing has long been a problem in commerce, in which companies making misleading and deceptive claims about the environment. In his 2012 book, Greenwash: Big Brands and Carbon Scams, Guy Pearse considers the rise of green marketing and greenwashing. Government greenwashing is also a significant issue. In his book Storms of My Grandchildren, the climate scientist James Hansen raises his concerns about government greenwashing. Such a problem is apparent with the TPP – in which there was a gap between the assertions of the United States Government, and the reality of the agreement. This article contends that the TPP fails to meet the expectations created by President Barack Obama, the White House, and the United States Trade Representative about the environmental value of the agreement. First, this piece considers the relationship of the TPP to multilateral environmental treaties. Second, it explores whether the provisions in respect of the environment are enforceable. Third, this article examines the treatment of trade and biodiversity in the TPP. Fourth, this study considers the question of marine capture fisheries. Fifth, there is an evaluation of the cursory text in the TPP on conservation. Sixth, the article considers trade in environmental services under the TPP. Seventh, this article highlights the tensions between the TPP and substantive international climate action. It is submitted that the TPP undermines effective and meaningful government action and regulation in respect of climate change. The conclusion also highlights that a number of other chapters of the TPP will impact upon the protection of the environment – including the Investment Chapter, the Intellectual Property Chapter, the Technical Barriers to Trade Chapter, and the text on public procurement.

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The formal charge distributions in and the dipole moments of some organophosphines and arsines have been calculated, and the dipole moments of (p-chlorophenyl)dichlorophosphine (2.28 D) and (p-bromophenyl)dichlorophosphine (2.04 D) have been determined in benzene at 35° C. The differences between the observed and the calculated moments are explained in terms of dπ---pπ back-bonding and hyperconjugative effects in alkylhaloarsines. The mesomeric effects operating in the aromatic systems are evaluated by comparing the moments with those for the corresponding aliphatic systems. In unsaturated compounds the differences are attributed to mesomeric effects involving the expansion of arsenic valence shell.

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The crystal structure of ferroelectric sodium meta vanadate, NaVO3 has been solved using three dimensional X-ray data and refined to an R-value of 0.077 for 375 observed reflections. The crystal belongs to the monoclinic system with space group Cc and with unit cell dimensions a = 10.494 (9) Aring, b = 9.434 (7) Aring, c = 5.863 (6) Aring and β = 108° 48' in the room temperature ferroelectric phase. The unit cell dimensions in the high temperature paraelectric phase (above 380°C) are a = 10.595 (15) Aring, b = 9.671 (10) Aring, c = 5.926 (8) Aring and β = 108° 45' with space group C2/c. The crystal structure may be viewed as consisting of alternate channels of sodium polyhedra and VO4 tetrahedra.

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The paper describes a novel method of finding the position and orientation of a relatively rigid molecule in the unit cell from criteria concerning allowed contact distances between atoms. On application to the crystal structure of a hexapeptide, C25H31N6O8.2H2O, it was possible to solve the structure from this starting point, by a series of SFLS refinements with an increasingly larger number of reflexions at successive stages. The packing analysis succeeded, even though the water molecules were not included to start with.

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Acta Crystallographica Section A: Foundations of Crystallography covers theoretical and fundamental aspects of the structure of matter. The journal is the prime forum for research in diffraction physics and the theory of crystallographic structure determination by diffraction methods using X-rays, neutrons and electrons. The structures include periodic and aperiodic crystals, and non-periodic disordered materials, and the corresponding Bragg, satellite and diffuse scattering, thermal motion and symmetry aspects. Spatial resolutions range from the subatomic domain in charge-density studies to nanodimensional imperfections such as dislocations and twin walls. The chemistry encompasses metals, alloys, and inorganic, organic and biological materials. Structure prediction and properties such as the theory of phase transformations are also covered.

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A study of the hyperfine interaction in the ESR of coupled Cu---Cu pairs in single crystals of copper diethyldithiocarbamate as a function of temperature has shown distinct differences in the hyperfine structure in the two fine-structure transitions at 20 K; the spectrum does not have the usual binomial hyperfine pattern for the fine-structure transition of the low field in contrast to that of the high field. The details of the structure of both fine-structure transitions in the 20-K spectrum can be explained by recognizing the fact that the mixing of the nuclear spin states caused by the anisotropic hyperfine interaction affects the electron spin states |+1 and |−1 differently. The anomalous hyperfine structure is found to become symmetric at 77 and 300 K. It is proposed that the reason for this lies in the dynamics of spin-lattice interaction, which limits the lifetime of the spin states in each of the electronic levels |−1 , |0 , and |+1 . The estimate of spin-lattice relaxation time in the temperature range where the changes are observed agrees with those indicated by other studies. The model proposed here for the hyperfine interaction of pairs in the electronic triplet state is of general validity.

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The complex crystallizes in the space group P21/c with four formula units in a unit cell of dimensions a= 12.747, b= 7.416, c= 17.894 A and/3= 90.2 °. The structure has been solved by the symbolic addition procedure using three-dimensional photographic data and refined to an R value of 0.079 for 2019 observed reflexions. The pyramidal nature of the two hetero nitrogen atoms in the antipyrine molecule is inter:nediate between that observed in free antipyrine and in some of its metal complexes. The molecule is more polar than that in crystals of free antipyrine but less so compared with that in metal complexes. In the salicylic acid molecule, the hydroxyl group forms an internal hydrogen bond with one of the oxygen atoms in the carboxyl group. The association between the salicylic acid and the antipyrine molecules is achieved through an intermolecular hydrogen bond with the other carboxyl oxygen atom in the salicylic acid molecule as the proton donor and the carboxyl oxygen atom of the antipyrine molecule as the acceptor.

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Phenylalanine ammonia-lyase (EC 4.3.1.5) was purified to homogeneity from the acetone-dried powders of the mycelial felts of the plant pathogenic fungus Rhizoctonia solani. 2. A useful modification in protamine sulphate treatment to get substantial purification of the enzyme in a single-step is described. 3. The purified enzyme shows bisubstrate activity towards L-phenylalanine and L-tyrosine. 4. It is sensitive to carbonyl reagents and the inhibition is not reversed by gel filtration. 5. The molecular weight of the enzyme as determined by Sephadex G-200 chromatography and sucrose-density-gradient centrifugation is around 330000. 6. The enzyme is made up of two pairs of unidentical subunits, with a molecular weight of 70000 (alpha) and 90000 (beta) respectively. 7. Studies on initial velocity versus substrate concentration have shown significant deviations from Michaelis-Menten kinetics. 8. The double-reciprocal plots are biphasic (concave downwards) and Hofstee plots show a curvilinear pattern. 9. The apparent Km value increases from 0.18 mM to as high as 5.0 mM with the increase in the concentration of the substrate and during this process the Vmax, increases by 2-2.5-fold. 10. The value of Hill coefficient is 0.5. 11. Steady-state rates of phenylalanine ammonia-lyase reaction in the presence of inhibitors like D-phenylalanine, cinnamic, p-coumaric, caffeic, dihydrocaffeic and phenylpyruvic acid have shown that only one molecule of each type of inhibitor binds to a molecule of the enzyme. These observations suggest the involvement of negative homotropic interactions in phenylalanine ammonia-lyase. 12. The enzyme could not be desensitized by treatment with HgCl2, p-chloromercuribenzoic acid or by repeated freezing and thawing.

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The paper presents a unified picture of the structure of steady one-dimensional shock waves in partially ionized argon in the absence of external electric and magnetic fields. The study is based on a two-temperature three-fluid continuum approach using the Navier-Stokes equations as a model and taking account of nonequilibrium ionization. The analysis of the governing equations is based on the method of matched asymptotic expansions and leads to three layers: (1) a broad thermal layer dominated by electron thermal conduction; (2) an atom-ion shock structured by heavy-particle collisional dissipative mechanisms; and (3) an ionization relaxation layer in which electron-atom inelastic collisions dominate.