978 resultados para Socialist parties
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In transplant centers, few topics are more controversial than communication between organ donor families (ODF) and recipients (RE). The Organ Procurement Organizations and transplant centers have felt obliged to protect the confidentiality and interests of ODF and RE. However, some authors have reported favorable effects of contact between ODF and RE. This study sought to investigate the current situation of the communication between ODF and RE from the viewpoint of transplanted patients (n = 50) and waiting transplant patients (n 50) at a Brazilian University Hospital, ODF (n = 10), physicians from transplant centers (n 50), as well as the opinion of the general population of a Brazilian city (n = 100). This work was developed as a survey whose questions related to the issue of communication between ODF and RE. The results showed that the majority of transplanted patients (82%) and patients awaiting transplant (60%) wanted to meet ODF to express their gratitude for receiving the organ. Likewise, ODF (67%) wanted to have a meeting with recipients, which allowed them to confirm the benefit of their donation. The general population was also favorable (66%) to ODF and RE communication. In contrast, the physicians (74%) were opposed to the ODF and RE contact. They affirmed that direct contact could lead to serious emotional conflicts or attempts of material involvement. One believes that decisions concerning the contact between ODF and RE would have to be determined by the involved parties. The transplant team could analyze the requests case by case, but ODF and RE must have the right to make the final decision.
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At the World Fair in Philadelphia in 1876, the German goods on display were described as cheap and nasty, setting off a vigorous debate about the state of German industry. Social democrats attacked policies of increasing competitiveness of German exports through keeping wages low, and claimed that the quality of the goods produced by socialist workers was higher than those produced by others. An analysis of the debate shows the extent to which social democrats not only resorted to arguments stressing the national interest, but also the extent to which nominally Marxist socialists in this period were still attached to traditional artisanal values of pride in the quality of their work.
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For products sold with warranty, preventive maintenance actions by manufacturers and/or buyers have an impact on the total costs for both parties. This paper develops a framework to study preventive maintenance actions when items are sold under warranty and reviews the models that have appeared in the literature. It then develops a new model and carries out its analysis.
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We examine constraints on quantum operations imposed by relativistic causality. A bipartite superoperator is said to be localizable if it can be implemented by two parties (Alice and Bob) who share entanglement but do not communicate, it is causal if the superoperator does not convey information from Alice to Bob or from Bob to Alice. We characterize the general structure of causal complete-measurement superoperators, and exhibit examples that are causal but not localizable. We construct another class of causal bipartite superoperators that are not localizable by invoking bounds on the strength of correlations among the parts of a quantum system. A bipartite superoperator is said to be semilocalizable if it can be implemented with one-way quantum communication from Alice to Bob, and it is semicausal if it conveys no information from Bob to Alice. We show that all semicausal complete-measurement superoperators are semi localizable, and we establish a general criterion for semicausality. In the multipartite case, we observe that a measurement superoperator that projects onto the eigenspaces of a stabilizer code is localizable.
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A remarkable feature of quantum entanglement is that an entangled state of two parties, Alice (A) and Bob (B), may be more disordered locally than globally. That is, S(A) > S(A, B), where S() is the von Neumann entropy. It is known that satisfaction of this inequality implies that a state is nonseparable. In this paper we prove the stronger result that for separable states the vector of eigenvalues of the density matrix of system AB is majorized by the vector of eigenvalues of the density matrix of system A alone. This gives a strong sense in which a separable state is more disordered globally than locally and a new necessary condition for separability of bipartite states in arbitrary dimensions.
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Recent research in Australian sociology and political science has debated the extent to which postmaterialist values and economic self-interest shape voting in federal elections. Some researchers have argued that postmaterialist values have partly displaced materialist concerns with physical security and economic well-being in Australian public life. This displacement, coupled with the adoption by major political parties of postmaterialist 'quality of life' issues such as the environment, has meant that voting in Australia has come to be more dependent on postmaterialist values than on perceptions of economic interest. Other research, however, has found no relationship between postmaterialist values and voting behaviour, while economic evaluations remain a strong determinant of voting behaviour. Part of the disagreement reflects methodological differences in the research. But different methodological problems compromise each of the previous studies. In this paper we use data from the 1990, 1993, 1996 and 1998 Australian Election Studies to investigate postmaterialist and economic voting in the Commonwealth House of Representatives and the Senate. Using various statistical methods, we first explore bivariate relationships between key variables and then use multivariate models of postmaterialist and economic voting to adjudicate between the contending positions.
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Geographical variation in the outcome of interspecific interactions has a range of proximate ecological causes. For instance, cleaning interactions between coral reef fishes can result in benefits for both the cleaner and its clients. However, because both parties can cheat and because the rewards of cheating may depend on the local abundance of ectoparasites on clients, the interaction might range from exploitative to mutualistic. In a comparative analysis of behavioural measures of the association between the cleaner fish Labroides dimidiatus and all its client species, we compared cleaning interactions between two sites on the Great Barrier Reef that differ with respect to mean ectoparasite abundance. At Heron Island, where client fish consistently harbour fewer ectoparasites, client species that tended to pose for cleaners were more likely to receive feeding bites by cleaners than client species that did not pose for cleaners. This was not the case at Lizard Island, where ectoparasites are significantly more abundant. Client fish generally spent more time posing for cleaners at Lizard Island than their conspecifics at Heron Island. However, fish at Heron Island were inspected longer on average by cleaners than conspecifics at Lizard Island, and they incurred more bites and swipes at their sides per unit time from cleaners. These and other differences between the two sites suggest that the local availability of ectoparasites as a food source for cleaners may determine whether clients will seek cleaning, and whether cleaners will feed on parasites or attempt to feed on client mucus. The results suggest that cleaning symbiosis is a mosaic of different outcomes driven by geographical differences in the benefits for both participants.
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Did rank-and-file members of the German Social Democratic party before 1914 bother to read Marx? A number of studies of borrowing from trade union and other workers' libraries since the 1970s have indicated that workers who read Marx were rare, although this does not mean that workers' reading habits were not influenced by socialist ideas. However, for a broader understanding of the reception of Marx's writings among rank-and-file German socialists, it is necessary to consider not only books, but the pamphlet literature produced by the SPD in huge quantities, serialisations and other treatments in the party press, and oral communication. When the full range of sources is considered, the extent of the reception of Marx's writings, albeit often in very simplified forms, can be more fully appreciated.
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This paper outlines a major empirical study that is being undertaken by an interdisciplinary team into genetic discrimination in Australia. The 3-year study will examine the nature and extent of this newly emerging phenomenon across the perspectives of consumers, third parties, and the legal system and will analyze its social and legal dimensions. Although the project is confined to Australia, it is expected that the outcomes will have significance for the wider research community as this is the most substantial study of its kind to be undertaken to date into genetic discrimination.
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Pippa Norris provides a schematic account of the evolution of campaigning through premodern, modern and postmodern stages. In particular she points to an emerging postmodern phase of electioneering characterized by a renewed emphasis upon direct forms of engagement which resonate with an earlier period in which campaigns were locally fought and largely dependent upon the canvassing efforts of party workers and volunteers. Norris's analysis offers a useful prism with which to view recent developments in electioneering in Australia. In the past several elections the rival Labor and Liberal parties have attempted to achieve a synergy between their centrally conducted and constituency-level campaigns by ensuring that their national campaigns are locally relevant and address local concerns. Their efforts to 'localize the national' meld the use of sophisticated software with elements of a traditional 'meet and greet' politics and suggest that local campaigning may now have a new shape and importance.
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Este artigo ?? uma resenha da literatura sobre o Executivo que discute o impacto dos sistemas parlamentarista e presidencialista na capacidade governamental de formular e implementar pol??ticas p??blicas. Ao longo do texto, busca-se identificar fatores que permitem ou bloqueiam o exerc??cio de uma fun????o coordenadora e unificadora de a????es, analisando a rela????o entre os poderes Executivo e Legislativo, a estrutura do poder Executivo e as rela????es entre o Executivo pol??tico e a burocracia. Os estudos sobre parlamentarismo enfocam: import??ncia dos partidos, papel dos ministros, extens??o do poder do primeiro ministro e papel coletivo do gabinete. J?? os trabalhos sobre presidencialismo v??o de pesquisas sobre o Congresso norte-americano, envolvendo infer??ncias estat??sticas e an??lises baseadas na teoria institucional a estudos de caso sobre a American Politics (presid??ncia e lideran??a). Apesar das diferen??as entre parlamentarismo e presidencialismo, a literatura indica que mecanismos institucionais de controle de agenda produzem os mesmos efeitos nos dois sistemas.
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Este estudo analisa os processos de circulação e apropriação das representações sobre os saberes da educação escolarizada difundidos pela Revista de Educação do Espírito Santo, entre os anos de 1934 e 1937. Como referencial teórico baseamo- nos em Chartier (1990) acerca do conceito de representação, em Balandier (1982) em relação ao conceito de encenação de poder instituído que assume visibilidade quando circula na Revista, concedendo publicização aos feitos políticos realizados por dado grupo social, e em Julia (2001), junto ao conceito de cultura escolar. A partir desse arcabouço teórico, empreendemos metodologia de pesquisa a partir da análise histórica da fonte, dialogando, para tanto, com diferentes documentos e registros que configuram uma série de dados que constituem nossa fonte. Trata-se da análise das representações travadas no debate sobre a formação, divulgação e apropriação do conjunto de práticas e saberes pedagógicos dirigido aos professores, por parte de um grupo de intelectuais locais que se apresentava como portador do projeto de modernização do Espírito Santo inserido no contexto nacional. A Revista de Educação/ES tinha entre seus principais objetivos o de (in)formar os professores, ou seja, enquadrar suas práticas às novas demandas educacionais. Deste modo, a Revista esteve atrelada a um projeto educacional em que os intelectuais corroboravam a ampla circulação de um conjunto de representações sobre a modernidade, utilizando a Revista como suporte, visto que, desde as capas, são expostos “monumentos de modernização”, como os prédios escolares e todo um complexo arranjo de artefatos simbólicos, traduzidos muitas vezes em festas e rituais escolares que evocavam “um novo tempo para a Educação do Estado”, ou seja, fazendo da educação escolarizada um espetáculo.
Resumo:
Esta pesquisa é um estudo sobre o processo legislativo e a produção de leis na ALES, durante a 16ª Legislatura. O escopo do estudo foi o de analisar o impacto das regras, contidas no regimento interno e na Constituição estadual, na produção de leis entre 2007 e 2010. O pressuposto geral da abordagem advém do Novo Intitucionalismo como movimento teórico da Ciência Política contemporânea, que nos permite inferir que as regras institucionais, para além de serem simples regras de organização das Casas Legislativas, influenciam no processo decisório e, consequentemente, na produção de leis. Importando as análises dos modelos distributivo, informacional e partidário de organização dos Legislativos, a pesquisa permitiu concluir que, a ALES, de 2007 a 2010, manteve seus trabalhos alinhados à versão distributiva. O parlamentar capixaba atuou, individualmente, a fim de manter suas bases eleitorais. Com relação à atuação do sistema comissional, foi identificada a inaptidão das comissões da ALES para influenciar o processo decisório. As comissões permanentes não possuem capacidade de moldar os projetos que por elas tramitam. O regime de tramitação influencia diretamente a produção de leis da ALES, notadamente, nas leis de autoria do Executivo, já que estas, tramitaram, quase que na totalidade, em regime de urgência. No que tange aos partidos, a fragmentação partidária identificada na ALES acaba por refletir nos dados obtidos sobre a produção de leis, na medida em que não existe uma verdadeira articulação em torno dos partidos como atores determinantes no processo legislativo da ALES. Enfim, em apertada síntese, foi possível constatar a imposição da agenda de trabalhos pelo Executivo. Os projetos aprovados, de temas importantes e abrangência estadual, foram, em sua maioria, propostos pelo Executivo; a urgência impacta frontalmente os projetos do Executivo, que são aprovadas em pequeno espaço de tempo; as comissões não possuem poder mínimo de influência nos projetos de autoria do Executivo; e os partidos, altamente fragmentados, não constituem instância com capacidade de articulação.