999 resultados para Signo ideológico
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A obra de Alfredo de Freitas Branco (Visconde do Porto da Cruz) cruza diferentes fases da sua vida, reflectindo, por isso, vários aspectos relacionados com as suas vivências. Sendo autor de uma vasta obra, fazem parte da sua bibliografia textos de diferentes temáticas e de estilos literários diversos, entre os quais, romances, novelas, contos, teatro, biografias, memórias, política, etnografia e estudos da natureza. Neste estudo, procuramos em linhas gerais, apresentar o seu percurso político e ideológico, no qual se inclui o Integralismo Lusitano, de modo a compreendermos o seu pensamento e compromisso com a sociedade do seu tempo. Fazemos uma breve abordagem à sua criação literária, marcada pela conjuntura histórica da época e destacamos a sua intensa actividade, como jornalista, fundador de revistas e de jornais, conferencista e membro de várias Associações culturais. Analisamos o seu percurso de vida, verificando que sempre se mostrou empenhado em dar a conhecer as suas raízes culturais e interessado em tudo o que representava o progresso do arquipélago, quer propondo ideias inovadoras, quer promovendo a Madeira, no território continental e no estrangeiro. O cerne deste trabalho foi investigar a sua obra, numa vertente cultural, observando o importante contributo no estudo, promoção e preservação da nossa memória cultural de madeirenses, através das recolhas que fez sobre múltiplos aspectos da cultura popular do meio insular, das diversas manifestações culturais do povo, nos seus usos e costumes, das danças, às músicas, ao traje, à alimentação, à medicina popular, às suas crenças e superstições. Observámos ainda os seus estudos do nosso património material, nos seus diversos monumentos; das artes visuais e da promoção dos artistas e intelectuais madeirenses que se evidenciaram na época. Este estudo propõe, também, algumas estratégias para dar a conhecer à comunidade uma parte da obra do Visconde do Porto da Cruz e despertar o interesse no estudo da mesma, a qual permanece ainda na penumbra.
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Este é um estudo de caso de natureza etnográfica sobre a prática discursiva desenvolvida no grupo dos Saraus Culturais da Associação Educativo-Cultural Tarcília Evangelista de Andrade, em Capim Grosso, - BA, e é estimulado pela reflexão sobre a necessidade de ruptura do paradigma tradicional que insiste em manter-se sobre as práticas pedagógicas, dentre elas as de produção discursiva, o que anuncia a urgência de inová-las, tornando-as suficientes à aprendizagem articulada com o contexto social dos sujeitos e pela qual estes são os principais responsáveis na negociação do conhecimento com o qual estão a lidar. Assim, procurou-se compreender o comportamento discursivo dos sujeitos no contexto das atividades do grupo pesquisado à luz dos pressupostos teóricos sobre Inovação Pedagógica defendidos pelo Centro de Investigação em Educação da Universidade da Madeira, os quais metodologicamente vinculam-se à pesquisa etnográfica, de forma que este estudo está associado à abordagem qualitativa pelos princípios metodológicos da etnografia, em especial a observação participante, a entrevista aberta e a análise de documentos. Buscou, ainda, no referencial teórico-metodológico da Análise do Discurso, em sua vertente francesa, embasamento para interpretar o funcionamento do discurso na produção dos sentidos e explicitar o mecanismo ideológico que o dá sustentação, o que contribuiu para revelar que a prática discursiva engendrada pelo grupo pesquisado movimenta os sujeitos na história em direção a um comportamento mais crítico. Os dados coletados, entre agosto de 2012 e maio de 2013, permitiram compreender que o referido comportamento é suficiente às premissas da aprendizagem socialmente situada e revela gestos que desmontam o invariante cultural instituído sobre a escola e, ainda, um discurso articulado como prática de movimentação de sujeitos e de sentidos. Considerando essas conclusões principais, o trabalho revela uma proposta comprometida com a Inovação Pedagógica e que pode colaborar na articulação de outras que priorizem os mesmos pressupostos.
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This study aims at solidifying the theoretical bases to provide, above all, an explanation for this phenomenon which currently happens, with a scenario of social, political, economic and cultural transformations worldwide in medium cities. Nevertheless, because it has different dimensions from its transformation axes, gentrification comes with change, but also with the introduction of a new purpose in the space using and occupation, outlining in this context the identity of places from the formation of centralities with the presence of flows with social and economic dynamicsThe current forms of geographic space appropriation show the directions of the senses and ideological profile which recreates the meanings and uses of content and materials from descriptions of a historical past. However, today there is an economic context in the urban space which refers to a search of strategies for change, i.e., the acquisition of parameter aimed at meeting the demands of the relationship between capital and labor, which ends up overriding some actions for the specification of the transformation methods within the urban space to be explained by new needs and also by the agents from the value adding to their interests and investments. Thus, we assume that the appreciation/gentrification of urban spaces may or may not result from the building of a public space, since the dialogic structure as a place of political interaction externalize conflicts and disagreements in general; it keeps segregating spaces. As new spaces are transformed, the access to them tends to happen with particular restriction, whereas some places like parks, shopping malls, high-rise and horizontal condos are the scene for major professional and family events. In this context, the gentrification process is used to designate interventions in the urban environment, in certain city spaces which are considered central to public and private investments. A historical place is permitted to be presented as a scenario, a stage full of attractions, through the transformation process. Studying gentrification consists of an analysis of the underlying interests in the transformation of these areas, and especially of the assessment of the interest level in the private sector to partner in order to modify the landscape. Gentrification results from the transformation processes of capital, which influences the efforts and investments application in order to establish and achieve optimal economic growth, focusing on a location socio-culturally centered in the urban space. Thus, the urban social structure develops in the light of some questions that relate not only the cities growth but also environmental conditions it provides in cities like Mossoro, State of Rio Grande do Norte, Brazil 2005 a 2011.
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The discourse about love, in the Western modern world, is an effect of the power that constructs bodies that matter, paraphrasing Butler, which represents a performative reiterarion of the domination drive, forming and ego of love through the imposition of a cultural super-ego. The domination, a real process of social constraint, is concomitant to its ideological secret, which lead us to the expression domideology , inspired by Sousa Filho, to determine the unconscious domination of the ideological discourse, Through a critical analysis of the bases of Freudian discourse about love, we question, inspired by Foucault, the sexual nature of the drive, to put it in a place insecure of critics to the substance metaphysics expression used by Nietzsche. In our point of view, the domination drive is a critical tool for the individual to think about, as interpellated by the love domideology , making believe the only interpretation of the social interchange is love, nuclear element of our modern Western love complex
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The significance of the body in electronic music parties as a sign for communicating and socializing among participants is the focus of this work. Qualitative research undertaken in this study seeks to investigate how sociability happens at raves and nightclubs in Natal/RN. Sociability is understood here as a play expression involving the dimensions of music, dance and party; the body, seen from a transdisciplinary approach, is understood as a symbolic instance, with its own meanings, as a result and a producer of social and as a cross between the cultural and the biological. The body has a communicative potential, is primary media. An intersection point between nature and culture, it serves as the seat of emotions and sociability, since it is through it that social relations are made. In electronic music parties, the body is interpreted based on its communication signs: clothing, accessories, body movements, tactile contact, body language, interactions between the public and dj, the dj and the public, gestures, expressive speech of emotions. Through such signs, body communication and a sense of community among participants develop sociability in the festive place and change the mood of the dancers. The Natal s electronic music parties young goer interacts on parties, adopts cheerful and receptive positions towards the other, maintains physical contact, values dance as a form of communication and lists happiness as the main feeling aroused in electronic music festivals. To achieve this result, a plurimetodological approach was used, which consisted of various methodological devices and various techniques of investigation: ethnographic observation, individual and informal interview techniques, photographic record of the scene, in-depth interview and application thirty questionnaires to patrons of electronic music parties
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
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We had as the problem of analysis in this research: what are the assumptions, principles and general content that based the Sistema Nacional de Avaliação da Educação Superior (SINAES). We started from the hypothesis that the general content of SINAES is essentially based on the assumptions and principles of a control/regulatory perspective of evaluation and a summative epistemology, objectivist and quantitativist, constituted by members who prioritize testing and classification of courses and institutions based on market values. The overall goal was to make a political evaluation of SINAES and the specific objectives were: a) apply the concepts of politics evaluation and meta-evaluation, b) identify the role of international organizations in education reform in the 1990s and its impact on superior education in Brazil c) redeem the concept of evaluation, especially in the field of studies in education; and d) investigate the evaluation policies of Brazilian superior education leading to SINAES. As for the technical procedures for collecting and analyzing data, the research was made with bibliography and documents, considering that it was developed by bibliographic sources and official publications. It was developed by crossing sources: texts or documents remitted to others; it was also concentrated: on the role of international organizations in educational and State reforms (in the 1990s); on the policies of evaluation of the Brazilian superior education (1980s and 1990s); on the proposal of the Comissão Especial de Avaliação (CEA); on the Law No. 10.861/2004; on the documents of CONAES; on the Decree No. 5.773/2006, and the MEC Regulatory Ordinances No. 4/2008 and No. 12/2008. It did not stop in the so called purely technical aspects, but in the ideological field itself. The research found that international organizations, notably the World Bank, played a political, intellectual and financial role determinant to the field of education, a fact that reflects in the legal framework. It was also found that the politics of evaluation of the superior education is historically marked by conflict, represented by two distinct perspectives of different natures and emphases. On one hand, the focus is on control / regulation, favoring efficiency, productivity and competitiveness benchmarking and prioritizing the punctual performance and measurement. On the other, it seeks to transform academic perspective in primarily formative / emancipatory, in order to support more institutional improvement. It was concluded that the CEA presented a conception evaluation predominantly formative and emancipatory, which emphasized the idea of system, centered around the institution and repudiated the rankings practices. In the post-formulation period, however, some of its principles were fragmenting and, gradually, the institution was giving way to the courses and the Exame Nacional de Desempenho de Estudantes (ENADE) grew in prominence. With the creation of the Conceito Preliminar de Cursos superiores (CPC) and of the Índice Geral de Cursos da Instituição de Educação Superior (IGC), it was redemeed the practice of evaluation as measurement and control, under the principles of efficiency and productivity. So, SINAES that seemed like a progressive evaluation method has assumed a setting that close resembles the Exame Nacional de Cursos (ENC-Provão). Nevertheless, the survival of institutional formative evaluation, in the superior education evaluation policies, still an issue in dispute
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Este estudo faz uma abordagem sobre as alianças eleitorais, destacando duas vertentes importantes nos processos de suas formações nas arenas políticas. Na primeira parte do trabalho é feita uma análise mais geral a respeito da problemática em questão. Onde dois ciclos políticos são analisados, apresentando o comportamento político-partidário dos partidos no Brasil. No primeiro ciclo, uma breve compreensão da política café-com-leite na República Velha, na qual, PRP e PRM dominam politicamente a arena nacional. O segundo ciclo, compreendido de 1945 a 1964, foram analisados os processos eleitorais estaduais e nacionais. Nestes, os resultados analíticos mostram o que refletem no comportamento político-partidário dos partidos do passado e do presente no país. Outro aspecto importante também abordado na primeira parte foi a verticalização das alianças eleitorais, a qual teve como objetivo impor harmonia partidária entre os partidos nas formações das alianças eleitorais. Revendo esse processo político, vimos que, a imposição da verticalização não resolveu o problema da inexistência harmônica dos partidos no ato da formação das alianças eleitorais tocante ao espectro ideológico. A segunda parte da pesquisa está dividida em duas partes. A primeira faz uma análise sobre a trajetória política do PT e suas políticas de alianças, que se inicia no V Encontro Nacional do Partido em 1987. Como consequência da expansão partidária, outras políticas de alianças são aprovadas pelo Partido dos Trabalhadores. Na segunda parte, é trabalhada as eleições municipais de 2008 em Natal, que observa analiticamente a campanha do PT e as alianças eleitorais realizadas pelo Partido para participar do pleito. Os velhos adversários políticos e oligárquicos formaram alianças com PT. Partido que nasceu combatendo as velhas práticas da política conservadora no nosso país, nos estados e nos municípios brasileiros
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Given the importance that political science and social sciences give studies of voting behavior, this study sought to fill this academic discussion another important element that makes up this complex set. From the campaign trail to City Christmas in 2012 work has been undertaken analysis of rejection in the first and second rounds of this election. For this analysis we used two sources of data: quantitative research, conducted by Search Consult the first and second rounds of elections, and the use of focus group technique, performed in the second round of elections. Knowing the various factors that may affect the voting decision, but also the dynamism that pervades a political dispute, seek, with this work, contribute to the deepening of the rejection of studies, aiming to bring subsidies presenting information to better explain the behavior studies election. The results showed that there is a less expressive, the chamda strong rejection. We speak of that rejection based on a political, historical and ideological. The reason for the weak presence of strong rejection seems to be little involvement of voters with politics and, consequently, low knowledge about politics and politicians. We observe, however, evidence of rejection volatile. We refer here to a kind of rejection that develops during the election process depending on the preference of the voter and according to the circumstances of the campaign. The data also lead us to conclude that television is as an instrument for the dissemination of ideas that can contribute in shaping the opinion of viewers. The role of political parties in representing the interests of the people have lost their strength in recent years. The data also show that, to the extent that increases the preference of voters in the electoral process, also increases its rejection
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A pretensão deste trabalho foi o de analisar o discurso da revista semanal Veja sobre o governo de Hugo Chávez Frías, atual presidente da República Bolivariana da Venezuela. Através da leitura das reportagens, procuramos apresentar o comportamento da revista em relação ao se governo e a forma que sua política é classificada, representada. Reunimos edições da revista, entre 1998 a 2002, início do seu governo - eleito em dezembro de 1998, toma posse no início de 1999, período da tentativa de golpe (frustrada) em abril de 2002. O trabalho procura mostrar como as matérias não são isentas e que há um claro posicionamento ideológico da revista, que se insere no conjunto mais geral da mídia conservadora e anti-Chávez. O presidente, eleito e reeleito democraticamente, aparece sempre nas diversas reportagens da revista caracterizado como golpista, ditador, populista, fanfarrão. O nosso objetivo é o de revelar como Veja criou uma imagem negativa do presidente da Venezuela, coerente com os princípios neoliberais defendidos pela revista. A Venezuela com Hugo Chávez, com a chamada Revolução Bolivariana , realiza uma experiência singular de governo num país de larga tradição antidemocrática e afirma caminhar na contracorrente do pensamento hegemônico neoliberal. Em contrapartida, a revista Veja se apresenta com um representante da burguesia financeira e importante sujeito na construção e continuidade do neoliberalismo
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This doctoral thesis addresses the environmental issues and its vinculum with the tourism through the protected natural areas, in particular the conservation units, which consists in territorial areas created and demarcated by the government in order to protect ecosystems that have a high ecological and scenic-landscaped representativeness designed to the contemplation and controlled public visitation. In regard to its use for the touristic activities, are conceived while socio-environmental and symbolic materiality built around an imagery view of a nature-show, designed to attract visitors, aiming ensure the maintenance and reproduction of the capital in an entrepreneurial and preservationist way in the Metropolitan Region of Natal. It s a study about the Dunes State Park Jornalista José Maria Alves and the Jenipabu Environmental Protected Area, both created with the purpose of favor the implantation and empowerment of the touristic area through the State intervention as the main articulator agent of a new process of urbanization that uses the city marketing and the ideological discuss of environmental sustainability to recreate the imaginary of lost paradise and incorporate into the daily universe of tourists visiting the state of Rio Grande do Norte. The unveiling of this empirical reality made possible the construction and defense of the terms environmental entrepreneurship and compensatory preservationism, to explain how the formatting and idealization of this paradisiacal scenarios produce the commoditization of nature in an efficient and competitive way
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In the current systemic crisis, economic policy is directed to correct the consequences of the functioning of this metabolism, but within the limits of the capital. From this perspective, decision makers propose trade policies, agricultural and industrial to ensure conditions for economic growth. However, as a dead end, there is failure of the State in giving efficacy to the operation of all segments of the economy, especially given the budget constraint. Public managers are forced to seek external resources, resuming the cycle of political allegiance to the interests of international financial and banking representatives, installed in so-called multilateral. The complex ideological capital comes into play in trying to convince society that the paths taken by governments are inevitable, and that capitalism can be "humanized", even with the realization of the growing inequalities caused by historical irrationalism of the production process of capital . In this sense, emerging concepts that attempt to demonstrate the compatibility of the system to real human needs. This ideological offensive is intended to legitimize the capital. The so-called third sector has a special highlight with the concept of corporate social responsibility. It creates a political environment in which the inevitable mix-up with new illusions offered by and often funding the metabolism of capital in order to perpetuate this system. In this context, political elites, and considerable portions of the academy, embark on "waves of capitalist optimism," while the sociometabolismo capital expands its historical limits, driving forces postponing their collapse, but that cause human suffering and ecological stress. Wars are disseminated to strengthen the deadly war industry and the automobile industry; and devastating the environment of which depends the capital system. In this scenario disassemble, propositions emerge around a "new social pact" in order to minimize the adverse effects of the dynamics of reproduction of capital. The business class is called to exercise its role through the discourse that appeals to social responsibility programs, in order to intervene directly in the "social question". The core of this research is precisely this point. Although there is considerable scholarship on the phenomenon of Social Responsibility and Corporate Citizenship, there is also an evident lack of this approach focused on the banking sector in Brazil. The importance of rentier capital increased ownership of shares in the wealth produced by all of Brazilian society, justifies a sociological research project on Social Responsibility in the domestic financial sector. In this sense, it was decided to perform a dynamic approach to the "Corporate Citizenship" in the banking industry, specifically in the Bank of Brazil. As this is a key institution, is important analyze of the impacts of this strategy fetish of capitalist reproduction, in order to evaluate the social legitimization of rentier capital in Brazil. In this scenario of the abundance of the discourse on social responsibility there exist a progressive impoverishment of professional work in this segment in Brazil. There is a dramatic mismatch between rhetoric and practice because of the trend of deepening vulnerability of the working conditions of the Brazilian bank worker, from the 1990's. In the specific case of the Bank of Brazil, the first initiative of the institution was to conform to the principles of the UNO and the Ethos Institute, aiming to align their domestic policies to this new strategy of domination of capital. The purpose is to place the Bank in the ideological sphere of corporate social responsibility, just as with its partners in the private financial intercapitalist competition. Indeed, in the internal ambit of the Bank of Brazil, there is a policy to adjust its functional segments to the doctrine of Social Corporate Responsibility. The concepts of this doctrine is presented as something inexorable. There are no alternatives. The Bank of Brazil operates in a highly competitive market, the segment featuring the dominance of financial capital accumulation today. For this reason it can not fail to incorporate the technological advances organizational. For employees there is no alternative but to adapt to this new set of ideas proposed by the metabolism of capital
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This research had as purpose to establish the logic symbolic present in the contemporary society that facilitated the emergency of a public speech on the incest, and, consequently, to demonstrate the ideological nature that structures it. Event associated to the order of the taboo, the incest would be the transgression of the injunction that, second Lévi-Strauss, facilitated the emergency of the Culture while symbolic order, differentiated of the natural order. The injunction of the incest would reveal the elementary and universal structures of the order symbolic presents in the human societies: the demand of the Rule as rule; the reciprocity and the gift, present element in the social changes that it transforms the individuals in partners, increasing a new quality in the transferred value, according to Lévi-Strauss. Starting from this, I developed the hypothesis second which the phenomenon of the alone incest became an event of discursive order and public as right social transformations affected the normative system (social representations, values, moral) regulator of the relationships among the social subjects, being reflected like this, in the own structuring of the Law. A second work hypothesis was developed starting from that. I develop it leaving of the argument that if when inserting the discussion of the thematic of the defense of the children and adolescent rights, being then, considering it while "privileged modality of sexual abuse against children", the present central subjects in the structuring of the social entail would be leaved. Being like this, the partner-institutional speech on the incest would answer the social demands of order and social control, becoming like this, discursive formations of ideological character. This research work tried to follow the hypothesis above referred, demonstrating the singular sense that it will be attributed to the incest in the contemporary society, particularly, its relationship with the Law and the transgression in the contemporary society
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The approach that undertakes this work revolves around the emergence of iconic structures on reflecting about the meaning of different methods of image representation through which the contemporaneity reveals itself. At baseline, three aspects are considered looking for an analytical ontology of the act of representation and imagery: the transition of representation in the oral culture of societies for writing, from these to typography, and finally the creation of a representation device. Resorted to, therefore, the argument by some genealogy reference points that technological instances such as writing, printing and photography, the evolution of this process, correspond, in itself, a consequent shift technique, for each representation precedent. In the area of the image, the most salient aspect of this change in foward process is the emergence of hyper-reality: the instances of hyper-realistic representation. In the Western context, the 'simulation of the world' - essential idea of mimesis is the work of an autonomous an conventional system. It should be noted, then the fact that under unreflective of the post-industrial societies, the mass-media image is coating with natural or fake code including - according to Baudrillard - tends to replace the real world in the "perpetuation of a large chain of simulacra." Hence in modern times, in the postindustrial society, during the crisis of the representation regimen and perception, centered in the referent. In this limit, new settings are established by aesthetic representations of imagery in contemporary culture: establishing spaces of simulation [Jean Baudrillard] the spectacle [Guy Debord] and hypermodernity [Gilles Lipovetsky] in which they operate. In these assemblages, saps the emergence of Hyper-reality Representation Instances - as seen in this study aesthetic events to configure itineraries of a new sensibility. It is the nature of this practice sign-iconic, ingrained in the creation of current artistic expression, which this research engaged in peering: the hyper-realistic setting, taking empirical support central to contemporary imagery production, diverse formats of analog representation.
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This study want to know how Josué de Castro, the two terms of a congressman, participated in the Brazilian political-ideological debate of the 1950s. For this, search the 61 speeches in the plenary of the House of Representatives and its 14 projects, analyzing them as historical documents that describe an experience, which enables the central category amalgamated the subject and his time, which breaks up the possibilities of new social practices. Unity of action and reflection, the experience of Castro in the Brazilian parliament has got on the basis of a previous flow experiences in the political-institutional and scientific. Together with the personal history, the political intellectual scenario of his time was another variable considered in the first chapter of this work. In the second chapter did an analysis of 32 speeches and projects of the first term of Josué de Castro, grouping them by thematic affinities. The 43 for the second term were discussed in the third chapter, leaving the final considerations answer the research objectives: What are the main interlocutors? What are your political positions? What are the points of rupture and continuity in his political career? Josué de Castro spoke to the Brazilian state directly to the president, some ministers and to the SUDENE, the ONU appears indirectly through the reports of his participations. His political position was a national-developmentalist who embraced the cause of self-determination of the countries, anti-imperialism, agrarian reform and regional planning, strongly inspired by Celso Furtado and San Tiago Dantas. Castro often has blended a liberal and Marxist terminology, relying on different ideologies to do support his fight against hunger